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Harper'' s Stereotype Edition, 






THE ^ %■. ^ , .V 

HISTORY |;>,..3~- 



CHIVALRY. 



IJ^-^ 



Gi^P( R.-^AMES, ESQ. 

IHJTHOR OF "dE l'oRME," "dARNLEY," " RICHELIEU," ETC* 



NEW- YORK: 

HARPKR & BROTHERS. 82 C LI F F-8 T R E ET, 
1839. 






•V7/SS Arice H. anshee ^, 

Jan. 6,1932 



^^AR2 1944 
/ 



PREFACE. 



In writing the pages which follow this Preface, I 
have had to encounter the difficulty of compressing 
very extensive matter into an extremely limited 
space. As the subject was, in my eyes, a ver}-- in- 
teresting one, and every particular connected with 
it had often been food for thought and object of en- 
tertainment to myself, the task of curtailing was 
the more ungrateful : nor should I have undertaken 
it, had I not been convinced by my publisher that 
one volume would be as much as the public in 
general would be inclined to read. I wished to 
write upon Chivalry and the Crusades, because I 
fancied that in the hypotheses of many other au- 
thors I had discovered various errors and misstate- 
ments, which gave a false impression of both the 
institution and the enterprise ; and I have endea- 
voured, in putting forth my own view of the sub- 
ject, to advance no one point, however minute, 
which cannot be justified by indisputable authority. 
A favourite theory is too often, in historical writing, 
like the bed of the ancient Greek ; and facts are 
either stretched or lopped away to agree with it : 
but to ensure as much accuracy as possible, I have 
taken pains to mark in the margin of the pages the 
different writers on whose assertions my own state- 
monis are founded, with a corresponding figure, by 
which each particular mav be referred to its authority. 



tV PREFACE. 

In regard to these authors themselves, it seems . 
necessary here to give some mformation, that those i 
persons who are inclined to inquire beyond the; 
mere surface may know what credit is to be at 
tached to each. 

On the first crusade we have a whole host of 
contemporary writers, many of whom were pre- 
sent at the events they describe. Besides these 
are several others, who, though they wrote at an 
after-period, took infinite pains to render their ac- 
count as correct as possible. The authors I have 
principally cited for all the earlier facts of the 
Holy War are, William of Tyre, Albert of Aix, 
Fulcher of Chartres, Raimond of Agiles, Guibert 
of Nogent, Radulph of Caen, and Robert, surnamed 
the Monk. 

William of Tyre is, beyond all doubt, the most 
illustrious of the many historians who have written 
on the crusades. Born in Palestine, and though 
both educated for the church and raised step by step 
to its highest dignities, yet mingling continually in 
the political changes of the Holy Land — the pre- 
<!eptor of one of its kings — frequently employed in 
embassies to Europe, and ultimately Archbishop of 
Tyre and Chancellor of the kingdom of Jerusalem, 
William possessed the most extensive means of 
gathering materials for the great work he has left 
to posterity. He brought to his task, also, a power- 
ful mind, as well as considerable discrimination ; 
and was infinitely superior m education and every 
intellectual quality to the general chroniclers of 
his age. He was not born, however, at the time 
of the first crusade ; and consequently, where he 



PREFACE. V 

speaks of the events of that enterprise, we may look 
upon him as an historian, clear, talented, elegant, 
and not extremely credulous ; but we must not ex- 
pect to find the vivid identity of contemporaneous 
writing. In regard to the history of his OM-n days 
he is invaluable, and in respect to that of the 
times which preceded them, his work is certainly 
superior, as a whole, to any thing that has since 
been written on the subject. 

A much more vivid and enthusiastic picture of the 
first crusade is to be found in Albert of Aix, from whom 
William of Tyre borrowed many of his details ; but 
the Syrian Archbishop, living long after, saw the 
events he recounted as a whole, rejected much as 
false that Albert embraced as true, and softened the 
zealous fire which the passions and feelings of the 
moment had lighted up in the bosom of the other. 
Albert himself was not one of the crusaders ; but liv- 
ing at the time, and conversing continually with those 
who returned from the Holy Land, he caught, to an 
extraordinary extent, the spirit of the enterprise, 
and has left behind him a brilliant transcript of all 
the passed-by dreams and long-extinguished en- 
thusiasms of his day. 

j Thus, as a painting of manners and customs, the 
Chronicon Hierosolymitanum is one of the most 
valuable records we possess, and the account there 
given of Peter the Hermit and Gautier sans avoir is 
in many points more full and comprehensive than 
any other. 

Fulcher of Chartres set out for the Holy Land 
with Stephen, Count of Blois, one of the first cru- 
A 2 



VI PREFACE. 

saders. He soon after became c^Iiaplaiu to Bald- 
win, the brother ol' Godfrey de Eouillon, and ended 
his days a canon of the Holy Sepulchre. Ilis rela- 
tion is useful in many respects, especially in regard 
to the march of the crusaders through Italy — the 
proceedings of Baldwin at Edessa, and the history 
of Jerusalem for several years after its conquest. 
His style, however, is tumid and circumlocutory, 
and his credulity equal to that of Raimond d' Agiles. 

Raimond d'Agiles accompanied the Count of 
Toulouse on the first crusade, in quality of chap- 
lain. Superstitious to the most lamentable de- 
gree, and as bigoted in party politics as in religion, 
he wrote as he lived, like a weak and ignorant 
man. Nevertheless there is, in his account, much 
excellent information, detailed with simplicity ; and 
very often, through the folly of the historian, we 
arrive at truths which his prejudices concealed from 
himself. 

Guibert of Nogent did not visit the Holy Land ; 
but he lived during the first crusade, and, in com- 
mon with all Europe, felt deeply interested in the 
fate of that expedition. He examined and noted 
with accuracy all the anecdotes which reached 
Europe, and painted, with great vivacity, scenes 
that he had not himself witnessed. In his account of 
the crusade many circumstances, evincing strongly 
the spirit of the age, are to be met with which do 
not appear elsewhere ; and, as we have every 
reason to feel sure of his general accuracy, it is 
but fair to suppose that these are well founded. 

Radulph, or Raoul, of Caen, is inflated in style, 
and often inexact ; but he is perhaps less super- 



PREFACE. Vll 

stitious than any other chronicler of the crusades. 
By poetical exaggeration, he often renders his nar- 
rative doubtful ; yet, as the biographer of Tancred, 
he tends to elucidate much that would otherwise 
have remained in darkness. Robert, called the 
Monk, was present at the council of Clermont, at 
which the first crusade was determined ; and, though 
he did not immediately take the Cross, he set out for 
the Holy Land not long after, and was present at 
the siege of Jerusalem. He is, in general, accurate 
and precise ; and, though not a little credulous in 
regard to visions, apparitions, and such imagina- 
tions of the day, he is on the whole more calm, 
clear, and exact than any other contemporary 
author. 

Besides these writers, I have had occasion to 
€ite several others of less authority. Of these, 
Baldric bears the highest character ; and, notwith- 
standing the fact of his not having been present at 
the crusade, he is in general accurate. Tudebodus 
is both brief and imperfect. Matthew of Edessa 
deserves little or no credit ; and the part of the 
Akxiad which refers to the first crusade is far more 
likely to mislead than to assist. The most impor- 
tant part of the whole work, as it is published at 
present, consists in the notes of Ducange. William 
of Malmsbury is more useful, but still his account 
is merely a repetition of what we find in other 
sources. For all the affairs of Normandy, I have 
consulted Orderic, Vital, and William of Jumieges. 

The history of William of Tyre was afterward 
continued by several wTiters, the chief of whom is 
an author taking the title of Bernard the Treasurer. 



VIU PREFACE. 

A Latin version of his book was published by Mu- 
ratori : Martenne, however, has since printed a 
work from an old French manuscript, the identity 
of which with the account of Bernard the Trea- 
surer has been proved by Mansi. This work is 
one of the most interesting extant ; for although it 
wants entirely either the power or the grace of Wil- 
liam of Tyre's composition, and is full of errors, in 
respect to every thing beyond the immediate limits 
of the Holy Land, yet there is a simple and inte- 
resting minuteness — an individuality of tone through 
the whole, where it relates to the affairs of Syria, 
which could not have been given but by an eye- 
witness. Even the old French in which it is 
written, slightly different from the exact language 
of France at the same period, gives it a peculiar 
character, and stamps it as the work of a Syrian 
Frank. Another continuation of William of Tyre 
is extant, by a Suabian of the name of Herold. 
This, however, is a much later composition, and 
possesses few of the qualities of the other. The 
Cardinal de Vitry also wrote an abbreviated history 
of the Crusades, bringing it down to his own time, 
A. D. 1220. His work is principally to be con- 
sulted for the account it gives of the events which 
passed under the author's own eyes, while Bishop 
of Acre, and for a great many curious particulars 
concerning the manners and customs of the Sara- 
cens, which are to be found in no other work. The 
second book of the Cardinal de Vitry's History has 
been omitted, I cannot conceive why, in the Gesta 
Dei per Francos. It is, nevertheless, infinitely va- 
luable, as showing the horrible state of the Chris- 



PREFACE. IX 

tians of Palestine, and displaying those vices and 
weaknesses which eventually brought about the 
ruin of the Latin kingdom. 

The authorities for the second crusade are la- 
mentably few, and by their very paucity show 
what a change had come over the spirit of the age 
in the short space of fifty years. The only eye- 
witnesses who have written on the subject, as far 
as I can discover, are Odo, a priest of Deuil, or 
Diagolum, in the neighbourhood of Paris, and 
Otho, Bishop of Freysinghen. The first of these 
authors followed Louis VIL to the Holy Land as 
his chaplain, and his account is, more properly 
speaking, an epistle to the famous Suger, Abbot of 
St. Denis, than a chronicle. 

Otho of Freysinghen was nearly related to the 
emperor Conrad, whom he accompanied on his 
unfortunate expedition. Both these authors, there- 
fore, had the best means of obtaining information ; 
and in the writings of each there is an air of truth 
and sincerity, which does much towards conviction. 
I have had occasion in speaking of this crusade to 
cite casually a number of authors, of \yhom it is 
not necessary to give any very detailed account. 
Their works are to be found in the admirable col- 
lections of Dom Bouquet, Duchesne, Martenne, or 
Muratori. 

Wherever I have been obliged to quote from any 
of the Arabian writers, I am indebted to the ex- 
tracts of Monsieur Reinaud. 

In regard to the crusade of Richard Cceur de 
Lion and Philip Augustus ; for the history of the 
first, I have borrowed from Benedict of Peterbo- 



X PREFACE. 

rough, from Hovedon, and especially from Vinesauf, , 
whose work is inestimable. These, with the other? 
English authorities I have cited, are too well known; 
to need comment. Having some time ago written 
a romance, not yet published, on the history of ' 
Philip Augustus, I had previously studied almost all 
the old chroniclers who speak of that monarch. 
The most important treatise on his reign is ' the 
work of Rigord, who was at once monk, physician, 
and historiographer at the court of Philip. William 
the Breton, one of the king's chaplains, continued 
his history in prose, from the period where Rigord 
abandoned the task. He also wrote a bombastic 
poem on the reign of his patron, which, however 
exaggerated and absurd, is useful as an historical 
document, and a painting of the manners and cus- 
toms of the time. On the taking of Constantinople 
by the French, I have found no want of authorities. 
Villehardouin, one of the principal actors in the 
scenes he describes, has been my chief source of 
information. I have also met with much in Nicetas, 
who was present ; and I have confirmed the evi- 
dence of other writers, by the chronicle in the 
Rouchy dialect, published by Monsieur Buchon, 
and by the metrical chronicle of Philippe Mouskes 
in the same collection. I need hardly say that the 
works of Ducange have proved invaluable in every 
part of my inquiry, and that his history of Constanti- 
nople under its French monarchs both gave me 
facts and led me to authorities. 

Joinville is the principal writer on the crusade of 
St. Louis. He was an eyewitness, a sufferer, and 
a principal actor in the scenes he describes. Of 



PREFACE. XI 

all old chroniclers, with the exception, perhaps, of 
Froissart, Joinville offers the most original, sim- 
ple, and delightful painting of times and manners 
long gone by. With the notes of Ducange, his 
work is an erudite repertory for antique manners 
and usages, and may be read and reread with 
gi^atification, and studied deeply with advantage. 

The folio edition in my own library comprises 
the Observations and Dissertations of Ducange, and 
the Commentaries of Claud Menaid ; together with 
the Establishments of St. Louis, and a curious trea- 
tise upon the ancient law of France, by Pierre de 
Fontaines. All these works afford a great insight 
hito the spirit of that day ; and many other particu- 
lars are to be found in the Branche aux royaux 
Lignages^ and in the Sermon of Robert de Saince- 
riaux. Besides the authors I have here particu- 
larized, I have had occasion to cite casually a great 
number of others, whose names, with some account 
of the works of each, may be found in the Manuel 
of Brunet. Vertot also has furnished us with much 
information concerning the Knights of St. John ; 
and Dupuy, Raynouard, &c. have spoken largely 
of the Templars. I cannot close the enumeration 
of authors to whom I am under obligations for in- 
formation or instruction without mentioning M. 
Guizot, one of the most clearsighted and unpreju- 
diced of all modern historians. His views of causes 
I have often adopted, sometimes with very slight 
modifications, and sometimes with none ; and, in 
all instances to which his writings extend, I have 
been indebted to him for light to conduct me 
through the dark sanctuary of past events, to the 



Xll PREFACE. 

shrine of Truth, even where he has not unveiled the 
deity herself. I can only regret that his essays did ' 
not embrace more of the very comprehensive sub- 
ject on which I was called to treat. 

Several motives have impelled me to give this 
long account of my authorities ; one of which mo- 
tives was, that often, in reading works on history, 
I have myself wished that the sources from which 
facts were derived had been laid open to my exami- 
nation ; but still, my principal view in the detail 
was, to show the ground on which I had fixed opi- 
nions directly opposed to those of several other au- 
thors. In many cases, the aspect under which I 
have seen the events of the Crusades has been en- 
tirely different from that under which Mills has 
regarded them, and I felt myself called upon not to 
attack any position of a clever writer and a learned 
man, without justifying myself as completely as 
possible. 

In regard to my own work I shall say nothing, 
but that I have spared neither labour nor research 
to make it as correct as if it had appeared under a 
much more imposing form. In space, I have been 
confined ; and in time, I have been hurried : but 
I have endeavoured to remedy the one inconve- 
nience, by cutting off all superfluous matter ; and to 
guard against evil consequences from the other, by 
redoubling my own exertions. Whether I have 
succeeded or not the world must judge ; and if it 
does judge with the same generous lenity which it 
has extended to my other productions, I shall have 
every reason to be both satisfied and gratofu!^ 



CONTENTS. 



CHAPTER I. p^, 

A Definition, with Remarks and Evidence — An Inquiry into the 
Origin of Chivalry — Various Opinions on the Subject — Reasons 
for doubting the great Antiquity of Chivalry, properly so called— 
The State of Society which preceded it, and of that which gave it 
Birth— Its Origin and early Progress 17 

CHAPTER H. 

Of Chivalrous Customs— Education— Grades— Services on the Re- 
ception of a Knight — On Tournaments — Jousts — Combats at 
Outrance — Passages of Arms— The Round Table — Privileges of 
Knightliood— Duties of Knighthood ' '3I 

CHAPTER HI. 

The Progress of Chivalry in Europe — Exi)loits — That some great 
Enterprise was necessary to give Chivalry' an extensive and per- 
manent Effect — That Enterprise presented itself in the Crusades 
—Pilgrimage to Jerusalem— Haroun Al Raschid— Charlemagne— 
Cruelties of the Turks— Pilgrimages continued— Peter the Her- 
mit—Council of Clermont 53 

CHAPTER IV. 

The Effects of the Council of Clermont— State of France— Motives 
of the People for embracing the Crusade — Benefits produced — 
The Enthusiasm general— Rapid Progress— The first Bodies of 
Crusaders begin their March— Gautier sans avoir — His Army— 
Their Disasters — Reach Constantinople — Peter the Hermit sets 
out with an immense Multitude— Storms Semlin — Defeated at 
Nissa — His Host dispersed — The Remains collected — Joins Gau- 
tier— Excesses of the Multitude— The Italians and Germans sepa- 
rate from the French — The Germans exterminated— The French 
cut to pieces — Conduct of Alexius 73 

CHAPTER V, 

The Chivalry of Europe takes the Field— The Leaders— Godfrey of 
Bouillon — Conducts his Army towards Constantinople— Hugh the " 
Great- Leads his Army through Italy— Embarks for Durazzo— 
Taken Prisoner— Liberated— Robert, Duke of Normandy— Win- 
ters in Italy — Arrives at Constantinople — Robert, Count of Flan- 
ders—Joins the rest — Boemond of Tarentum — Tancred — Their 
March — Defeat the Greeks— Boemond does Homage — Tancred 
avoids it — The Count of Toulouse arrives — Refuses to do Homage 
—Robert of Normandy does Homage 80 

B 



XIV CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER VI. p^ 

Germ of After-misfortniies already springing up in the Crusade — 
Siege of Nice— First Engagement witli the Turks— Siege con- 
tinued — The Lake occupied — Surrender of Nice to the Emissaries 
of Alexius — Discontent — March towards Antioch — The Army 
divides into two Bodies — Battle of Dorylceum — Dreadful March 
through Phrygia— Adventures of Baldwin and Tancred— Arrival 
at Antioch— The City invested lOg; 

CHAPTER MI. 

The Host of the Crusade invests Antioch— Description of that City 
— Difficulties and Errors of the Crusaders — Improvidence — Fa- 
mine — Spies — Desertions — Embassy from the Calif of Egypt- 
Succours from the Genoese and Pisans — Battle — Feats of the 
Christian Knights — Boemond keeps up a Communication within 
the Town — The Town betrayed to the Christians— Massacres — 
Arrival of an Army from Persia — The Christians besieged in An- 
tioch — Famine — Desertions — Visions — Renewed Enthusiasm — 
Diminished Forces of the Christians — Battle of Antioch — The 
Crusaders victorious — Spoils — Disputes with the Count of Tou- 
louse — The Chiefs detennine to repose at Antioch — Ambassadors 
sent to Alexius — Fate of their Embassy 13j \ 

CHAPTER Vin. 

Pestilence in Antioch— Death of the Bishop of Puy— The Chiefs 
separate — Siege of Marrah — Cannibalism — Disputes between the 
Count of Toulouse and Boemond — The Count marches towards 
.lerusalem- Siege of Archas — Godfrey of Bouillon marches — 
Siege of Ghibel — Treachery of Raimond — Fraud of the Holy 
Lance investigated — Ordeal of Fire — Decisive Conduct of the 
Crusaders towards the Deputies of Alexius, and the Calif of 
Egypt — Cotiduct of the Crusaders towards the Emir of Tripoli — 
First Sight of .Jerusalem — Siege and Taking of the City — Fana- 
tical Massacres 16S 

CHAPTER IX. 

Election of a King— Godfrey of Bouillon— Sketch of the Histor)^ of 
.Jerusalem — Death of the chief Crusaders — New Bodies of Cru- 
saders set out from Europe — Their Destruction in Asia Minor — 
Armed Pilgrimages — The Northern Armaments — The Venetians 
— The Genoese and Pisans — Anecdotes of the Crusaders — Battle 
of the Children at Antioch — The Thafurs — Baldwin's Humanity 
well repaid — Superstitions — Arms of the Crusaders — Of the 
Turks — Hospitallers — Templars 175 

CHAPTER X. 

Consequences of the Loss of Edessa— The State of France rnifa- 
vourable to a new Crusade — View of the Progress of Society — 
Causes and Character of the Second Crusade — St. Bernard — The 
Emperor rf Germany takes the Cross, and sets out— Louis VII. 
follows — Conduct of the Germans in Greece — Their Destruction 
in Cappadocia — Treachery of Manuel Comnenus — Louis VII. ar- 
rives at Constantinople — Passes into Asia — Defeats the Turks on 
the Meander — His Army cut to piecos— Proceeds by Sea to An 



CONTENTS. XV 

tioch — Fate of his remaining Troops — Intrigues at Antioch — Louis 
goes on to Jerusalem — Siege of Damascus — Disgraceful Failure 
—Conrad returns to Europe— Conduct of Suger, Abbot of St. 
Denis— Termination of the Second Crusade 198 

CHAPTER XL 
Progress of Society— The Rise of Poetry in modern Europe—Tiow 
badours — Trouveres — Various Poetical Compositions — Effect of 
Poetry upon Chivalry — Effect of the Crusades on Society— State 
of Palestine after the Second Crusade — Cession of Edessa to the 
Emperor Manuel Comnenus — Edessa completely subjected by the 
Turks— Ascalon taken by the Christians— State of Egypt under 
the last Califs of the Fatimite Race — The Latin^ and the Atabecks 
both design the Conquest of Egypt— Struggles for that Country — 
Rise of Saladin — Disputes among the Latins concerning the Suc- 
cession of the Crown — Guy of Lusignan crowned — Saladm in- 
vades Palestine — Battle of Tiberias — Fall of Jerusalem — Con- 
quest of all Palestine— Some Inquiry into the Causes of the Latin 
Overthrow 2\<i 

CHAPTER Xn. 

The News of the Fate of Palestine reaches Europe— The Arch- 
bishop of Tyre comes to seek for Aid— Assistance granted by 
William the Good, of Sicily— Death of Urban, from Grief at the 
Loss of Jerusalem— Gregory VIIL ])romotes a Crusade — Expedi- 
tion of Frederic, Emperor of Germany — His Successes — His 
Death— State of Europe— Crusade promo'ted by the Troubadours 
—Philip Augustus and Henry IL take the Cross— Laws enacted— 
Saladin's Tenth— War renewed— Death of Henry IL— Accession 
of Richard Cceur de Lion — The Crusade — Philip's March — Rich- 
ard's March— Affairs of Sicily— Quarrels between the Monarchs 
— Philip goes to Acre — Richard subdues Cyprus — Arrives at Aero 
—Siege Hnd Taking of Acre— Fresh Disputes— Philip Augustus 
returns to Europe— Richard marches on— Battle of Azotus— 
Heroism of Richard— Unsteady Councils— The Elnterprise aban- 
doned. 237 

CHAPTER Xm. 

Death of Saladin— Disunion among his Successors— Celestine III. 
preaches a new Crusade — Henry of Germany takes the Cross- 
Abandons his Purpose — Crusaders proceed without him — Saif 
Eddin takes the Field, and captures Jaffa— The Crusaders are 
reinforced— Defeat Saif Eddin— Lay Siege to Thoron— Seized 
with Panic, and retreat— Disperse— Death of Henry of Cham- 
pagne. King of Jerusalem— His Widow marries Almeric, King of 
Cyprus— Truce— Death of Almeric ; and Isabella Mary, Heiress 
of Jerusalem, wedded to John of Brienne— Affairs of Europe- 
Innocent III. and Foulque, of Neuilly, promote a Crusade— The 
Barons of France take the Cross— Proceed to Venice— Their Dif- 
ficulties-Turn to the Siegeof Zara-A Change of Purpose— Pro- 
ceed to Constantinople — Siege and Taking of that City — Subse- 
quent Proceedings^ A Revolution in Constantinople, Alexius rie- 
yasf'd bv Mur/.uphlis— Sciiond Siege and Capture of the Greek 



SVl CONTEXTS. 

Capital— Flight of Muriuphlis— Plunder and Outrage— Bali'.win, 
Count of Flanders, elected Emperor 'S* 

CHAPTER XIV. 

Divisions among the Moslems— Among the Christians— Crusade of 
Children— Innocent III. declares he will lead a new Crusade to 
Syria — The King of Hungary takes the Cross — Arrives in Syria 
— Successes of the Pilgrims— Abandon the Siege of Mount Tha- 
bor— The King of Hungary returns to Europe — The Duke of 
Austria continues the W.ir — Siege of Damietta— Reinforcements 
arrive under a Legate — Famine in Damietta— The Moslems offer 
to yield Palestine — The Legate's Pride- He refuses — Taking of 
Damietta — Tlie Army advances towards Cairo— Overflowing of 
the Nile — The Army ruined — The Legate sues for Peace — Gene- 
rous Conduct of the Sultaun— Marriage of the Heiress of Jeru- 
salem with Frederic, Emperor of Germany — His Disputes with 
the Pope — His Treaties with tlie Saracens — He recovers Jerusalem 
— He quits the Holy Land — Disputes in Palestine — The Templars 
defeated and slaughtered — Gregory IX. — Crusade of the King 
of Navarre ineffectual— Crusade of Richard, Earl of Cornwall — 
Jerusalem recovered — The Corasmins — Their Barbarity — They 
take Jerusalem — Defeat the Christians with terrible Slaughter- 
Are exterminated by the Syrians — Crusade of St. Louis — Hisi 
Character — Arrives in the Holy Land — Takes Damielta — Battle 
of Massnura — Pestilence in the Army — The King taken — Ran- 
somed—Returns to Europe — Second Crusade of St. Louis — Takes 
Carthage — His Death — Crusade of Prince Edward — He defeats 
the Saracens — Wounded by an Assassin — Returns to Europe — 
Successes of the Turks— Last Siege and Fall of Acre— Palestine 
lost 28(J 

CHAPTER XV. 

Fate of the Orders of the Temple and St. John— The Templars aban- 
don all Hopes of recovering Jerusalem — Mingle in European Poli- 
tics — Offend Philip the Fair — Are persecuted — Charges against 
them — The Order destroyed — The Knights of St. John pursue the 
Purpose of defending Christendom — Settle in Rhodes — Siege of 
Rhodes— Gallant Defence— The Island taken— The Knights re- 
move to Malta— Siege of Malta— La Valette— Defence of St. Elmo 
—Gallantry of the Garrison— The whole Turkish Army attempt 
Jo storm the Castle— The Attack repelled— Arrival of Succour— 
The Siege raised — Conclusion 312 

NoTKS 331 



HISTORY 

OF 

CHIVALRY AND THE CRUSADES 



CHAPTER I. 



A Definition, with Remarks and Evidence — An Jnquiry into the Origin 
of Chivalry — Various Opinions on the Subject — keasons for doubting 
the great Antiquity of Chivalry properly so called — The State of So- 
ciety which preceded it, and of that which gave it Birth — Its Origin 
and early Progress. 

The first principles of whatever subject we may 
attempt to trace in history are ever obscure, but few 
are so entirely buried in darkness as the origin of 
Chivalry. This seems the more extraordinary, as 
we find the institution itself suddenly accompanied 
by regular and established forms, to which we can 
assign no precise date, and which appear to have been 
generally acknowledged before they were reduced 
to any written code. 

Although definitions are dangerous things — inas- 
much as the ambiguity of language rarely permits 
of perfect accuracy, except in matters of abstract 
science — it is better, as far as possible, on all sub- 
jects of discussion, to venture some clear and de- 
cided position, that the subsequent reasoning may be 
fixed upon a distinct and unchanging basis. 

If the position itself be wrong, it may be the more 
speedily proved so from the very circumstance of 
standing forth singly, uninvolved in a labyrinth of 
other matter ; and if it be right, the arguments that 
follow may always be more easily traced, and afford 
B2 



18 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 

greater satisfaction by being- deduced from a princi- 
ple already determined. These considerations lead i 
me to offer a definition of Chivalry, tog^ether with i 
some remarks calculated to guard that definition from 
the consequences of misapprehension on the part of 
others, or of obscurity on my own. 

When I speak of Chivalry I mean a militay insti- 
tution, prompted by enthusiastic benevolence, sanc- 
tioned by religion, and combined with religious cere- 
monies, the purpose of which was to protect the 
weak from the oppression of the powerful, and to 
defend the right cause against the wrong. 

Its military character requires no proof; but vari- 
ous mistaken opinions, which I shall notice hereafter, 
render it necessary to establish the fact, that religious 
ceremonies of some kind were always combined with 
the institutions of Chivalry. 

All those written laws and regulations aflfecting 
knighthood,^ which were composed subsequent to its 
having taken an acknowledged form, prescribed, in 
the strictest manner, various points of religious cere- 
monial, which the aspirant to Chivalry was required 
to perform before he could be admitted into that high 
order. 

What preceded the regular recognition of Chivalry- 
as an institution is entirely traditional; yet in all 
tne old romances, fabliaux, sirventes, ballads, &c. 
v>ot one instance is to be found in which a squire be- 
<^'omes a knight, without some reference to his reli- 
gious faith. If he be dubbed in the battle-field, he 
«"wears to defend the right, and maintain all the sta- 
tutes of the noble order of Chivalry, upon the cross 
of his sword ; he calls heaven to witness his voav, and 
*he saints to help him in its execution. Even in one 
of the most absurd fables' of the chivalrous ages, 

• L? P^re Menestrier, Ordres de Chevalerie ; Jouvencel ; Favin 
xhWtre. 

2 Fabliau de I'ordeue de Chevalerie dans Un fabliaux de Le Grand 
d'Auasi. 



HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 19 

wherein we find Saladin himself receiving the order 
of Chivalry from the hands of the Count de Tabarie, 
that nobleman causes the infidel sultan to be shaved, 
and to bathe as a symbol of baptism, and then to rest 
himself upon a perfumed bed, as a type of the repose 
and joy of Paradise. These tales are all fictitious, it 
is true ; and few of them date earlier than the end 
of the twelfth century : but at the same time, as 
they universally ascribe religious ceremonies to the 
order of knighthood, we have every reason to sup- 
pose that such ceremonies formed a fundamental part 
of the institution. 

Before proceeding to inquire into the origin of 
Chivalry, I must be permitted to make one more ob- 
servation in regard to my definition ; namely, that 
there was a great and individual character in that 
order, which no definition can fully convey. I mean 
the Spirit of Chivalry; for, indeed, it was more a spirit 
than an institution ; and the outward forms with which 
it soon became invested, were only, in truth, the signs 
by which it was conventionally agreed that those 
persons who had proved in their initiate they pos- 
sessed the spirit, should be distinguished from the 
other classes of society. The ceremonial was merely 
the public declaration, that he on whom the order 
was conferred was worthy to exercise the powers 
with which it invested him ; but still, the spirit was 
the Chivalry. 

In seeking the source of this order through the 
dark mazes of the history of modern Europe, it ap- 
pears to me that many writers liave mistaken the 
track ; and, by looking for the mere external signs, 
have been led into ages infinitely prior to the spirit 
of Chivalry. 

Some have supposed that the institution descended 
to more modern times, from the equestrian order of the 
ancient Romans ; but the absence of all but mere nomi- 
nal resemblance between the two, has long placed this 
theory in the dusty catalogue of historical dreams. 



20 HISTORY or CHIVALRY. 

Others again have imagined that the Franks, and 
the rest of the German nations, who, on the fall of 
the Roman empire, subdued and divided Gaul, brought 
with them the seeds of Chivalry, which spontaneously 
grew up into that extraordinary plant which has flou- 
rished but once in the annals of the world. This 
opinion they support by citing the customs of the 
German tribes' who, not only at particular periods 
invested their youth with the shield and the javeUn, 
but also (especially towards the period of the con- 
quest of Gaul) chose from the bravest of the tribe a 
number of warriors, to be the companions and guards 
of the chief. These were termed Leudes, and we 
find them often mentioned under the whole of the 
first race of French kings. They served on horse- 
back, while the greater part of each German nation 
fought on foot only; and they were bound to the 
chief by an oath of fidelity.^ The reception of an 
aspirant into the body of Leudes was also marked 
with various ceremonies ; but in this, if we exa- 
mine correctly, we find neither the spirit nor the 
forms of Chivalry. The oath of the Frank was 
one of service to his prince ; that of the knight, to 
his God and to society: the one promised to de- 
fend his leader ; the other to protect the oppressed, 
and to uphold the right. The Leudes were in fact 
the nobility of the German tribes, though that no- 
bility was not hereditary; but they were in no 
respect similar to the knights of an after-age, except 
in the circumstance of fighting on horseback. 

A third opinion supposes the origin of Chivalry to 
be found among the ancient warlike tribes of North- 
men, or Normans, who, towards the ninth century, 
invaded in large bodies tlie southern parts of Europe, 
and established themselves principally in France ; 
and certainly, both in their traditions, and even in 
their actions, as recorded by Abbon, an eyewitness 

I Tacit, de Mor. Germ 2 Marculfus 



HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 21 

to their deeds in the siege of Paris, there is to be 
found an energetic and romantic spirit, not unlike 
that which animated Chivalry at the rudest period 
of its existence. Still, there is much wanting. The 
great object of Chivalry, the defence of the weak, 
was absent, as well as every form and ceremony. 
The object of the Northman's courage was plunder ; 
and all that he had in common with the knight was 
valour, contempt of death, and a touch of savage ge- 
nerosity, that threw but a feint light over his dark 
and stormy barbarities. 

Many persons again have attributed the founda- 
tion of all the chivalrous institutions of Europe to 
the bright and magnificent reign of Charlemagne; 
and as this opinion has met with much support, 
among even the learned, it is worth while more par- 
ticularly to inquire upon what basis it is raised. Of 
the reign of Charlemagne we have not so many au- 
thentic accounts as we have romances, founded upon 
the fame of that illustrious monarch. Towards the 
tenth, eleventh, and twelfth centuries, when Chivalry 
was in its imaginative youth, a thousand tales of 
wild adventure were produced, in which Charlemagne 
and his warriors were represented with all the quali- 
i ties and attributes of those knights, whose virtues 
I and courage had by that time wrought deeply on the 
[ heart and fancy of the people. We should be as 
! much justified, however, in believing that Virgil was 
': a celebrated necromancer, or that Hercules was a 
[ Preux Chevalier — characters which have been as- 
: signed to them by the very same class of fables — as 
in giving any credit to the distorted representations 
that those romances afford of the days of Charle- 
ji magne. 

In regard to the tales of King Arthur, I am per- 
fectly inclined to use the energetic words of Menes- 
trier, who, in speaking of tr e famous knights of the 
round table, says, without hesitation, " All that they 
tell of King Arthur and that fictitious Chivalry of 



22 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 

which they represent him as the author, is nothing 
but a he ;'" for, though beyond all doubt the romances 
of Chivalry afford a great insight into the manners 
of the times wherein they were written, they are, 
nevertheless, quite worthless as authority concern- 
ing the ages which tliey pretend to display, and 
which had preceded their composition by nearly 
three centuries. 

After rejecting the evidences of such tales, we find 
nothing in the authentic records of Charlemagne 
which gives the slightest reason to suppose that 
Chivalry was known, even in its most infant state, 
during his reign. Though his great system of war- 
fare had that in common with Chivalry which all 
warfare must have — feats of daring courage, heroic 
valour, bursts of feeling and magnanimity, and as 
much of the sublime as mighty ambition, guided by 
mighty genius, and elevated by a noble object can 
achieve — yet the government of Charlemagne Avas, 
in fact, any thing but a chivalrous government. Too 
powerful a hand held the reins of state for Chivalry 
either to have been necessary or permitted ; and in 
reading the annals of Eginhard, his life *of Charle- 
magne, or the account given by the monk of St. Gall, 
we find a completely different character from that 
which is visible in every page of the history of the 
knightly ages. We find, indeed, that Charlemagne, 
according to the immemorial custom of his Ger- 
man^ ancestors, solemnly invested his son Lewis 
with the arms of a man. A thousand years before, 
in the forests of the North, his predecessors had done 
the same ; and Charlemagne, one of whose great 
objects ever was, to preserve both the habits and the 
language of the original countrv^ free from amalga- 
mation with those of the conquered nations, not only 
set the example of publicly receiving his son into the 
ranks of manhood and warfare, but strictly enjoined 

1 Menestri«r de la Chevalerie ot ses preiives, paj^e 230. 

2 'racitus de Morib. dermaii. 3 Egiiiliard Ann 



HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 23 

that the same should be done by his various governors 
in the provinces. But this custom of the Franks, 
as I have before attempted to show, had no earthly 
relation to knighthood. Were nothing else a proof 
that Chivalry was perfectly unknown in the days of 
Charlemagne, it would be sufficient that the famous 
capitularies of that monarch, which regulate every 
thing that can fall under the eye of the law, even to 
the details of private life, make no mention whatever 
of an institution which afterward exercised so great 
an influence on the fate of Europe. Nor can we 
trace in the annals of the surrounding countries, a 
mark of Chivalry having been known at that period 
to any other nation more than to the Franks. Alfred, 
it is true, invested Athelstan with a purple garment 
and a sword ; but the Saxons were from Germany as 
well as the Franks, and no reason exists for suppos- 
ing that this ceremony was in any degree connected 
M'lth the institutions of Chivalry. There have been 
persons, indeed, who supposed that Pharaoh con- 
ferred knighthood upon Joseph, when he bestowed 
upon him the ring and the golden chain, and probably 
the Egyptian king had fully as much knowledge of 
the institution of Chivalry as either Charlemagne or 
Alfred. 

Of the annals that follow the period of Charle- 
mncrne, those of Nithard, Hincmar, and Thegan, to- 
gether with those called the Annals of St. Bertinus 
and of Metz, are the most worthy of credit ; and in 
these, though we often meet with the word miles, 
which was afterward the name bestowed upon a 
knight, it is used simply in the signification of a sol- 
dier, or one Oi the military race.' No mention 
whatever is made of any thing that can fairly be 
looked upon as chivalrous, eitlier in feeling or histi- 
tution. Ail is a series of dark conflicts and blood- 
thirsty contentions, among which the sprouts of the 

I See note I, 



24 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 

feudal system, yet young- and unformed, are seen 
springing up from seeds sown long before. In the 
picture of those times, a double darkness seemed to 
cover the earth, which, a chaos of unruly passions, 
showed no one general institution for the benefit of 
mankind except the Christian religion: and that^ 
overwhelmed by foul superstitions and guarded 
chiefly by barbarous, ignorant, selfish, and disorderly 
priests, lay like a treasure hidden by a miser, and 
watched by men that had not soul to use it. This 
was no age of knighthood. 

Up to this period, then, T fully beheve that Chi- 
valry did not exist ; and having attempted to show 
upon some better ground than mere assertion, that 
the theories which assign to it an earlier origin are 
wrong, I will now give my own view of its rise, 
which possibly may be as erroneous as the rest. 

Charlemagne expired like a meteor that, having 
broken suddenly upon the night of ages, and blazed 
brilliantly over a whole world for a brief space, fell 
and left all in darkness, even deeper than before. His 
dominions divided into petty kingdoms — his succes- 
sors waging long and inveterate wars against each 
other — the nations he had subdued shaking off the 
yoke — the enemies he had conquered avenging them- 
selves upon his descendants — the laws he had esta- 
blished forgotten or annulled — the union he had ce- 
mented scattered to the wind — in a lamentably brief 
space of time, the bright order which his great mind 
had established throughout Europe was dissolved. 
Each individual, who, either by corporeal strength, 
advantageous position, wealth, or habit, could influ- 
ence the minds of others, snatched at that portion of 
the divided empire which lay nearest to his means, 
and claimed that power as a gift which had only been 
intrusted as a loan. The custom of holding lands by 
military service had come down to the French from 
their German ancestors, and the dukes, the mar- 
quises, the counts, as well as a whole herd of infe- 



HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 25 

nor officers, who in former days had led the armies, 
or commanded in the provinces as servants of the 
crown, now arrogated to themselves hereditary 
rights in the charges to which they had been in- 
trusted ; and, in their own behalf, claimed the feudal 
service of those soldiers to whom lands had been 
granted, instead of preserving their allegiance for 
their sovereigns. The weak monarchs, who still 
retained the name of kings, engaged in ruinous wars 
with each other and in vain attempts to repel the in- 
vasions of the Northmen or Noraians, first tolerated 
these encroachments, because they had at the time 
no power of resisting, and then gradually recognised 
them as rights, upon the condition that those who 
committed them should assist the sovereign in his 
wars, and acknowledge his title in preference to that 
of any of his competitors. 

Thus gradually rose the feudal system from the 
wrecks of Charlemagne's great empire. But still 
all was unstable and unconfirmed ; the limits of the 
different powers in the state undecided and variable, 
till the war of Paris, the incompetence of the suc- 
cessors of Charlemagne, and the elevation of Hugues 
Capet, the Count of Paris, to the throne, showed the 
barons the power they had acquired, and crowned 
the feudal compart by the creation of a king whose 
title was found in it alone. 

Great confusion, however, existed still. The au- 
thority of the sovereign extended but a few leagues 
round the city of Paris; the Normans ravaged the 
coast ; the powerful and the wicked had no restraint 
imposed upon their actions, and the weak were every 
where oppressed and wronged. Bands of plunderers 
raged through the whole of France and Germany, 
property was held by the sword, cruelty and injus- 
tice reigned alone, and the whole history of that age 
offers a complete medley of massacre, bloodshed, 
torture, crime, and misery. 

Personal courage, however, had been raised to the 
C 



26 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 

higfhest pitch by the very absence of every thing like 
security. Valour was a necessity and a habit, and 
Eudes and his companions, who defended Paris 
against the Normans, would have come down as 
demigods to the present day, if they had but pos- 
sessed a Homer to sing their deeds. The very Nor- 
mans themselves, with their wild enthusiasm and 
supernatural daring, their poetical traditions, and 
magnificent superstitions, seemed to bring a new and 
extraordinary light into the very lands they deso- 
lated. The plains teemed with murder, and the 
rivers flowed with blood ; but the world was weary 
of barbarity, and a reacting spirit of order was born 
from the very bosom of confusion. 

It was then that some poor nobles, probably 
suffering themselves from the oppression of more 
powerful lords, but at the same time touched with 
sincere compassion for the wretchedness they saw 
around them, first leagued together with the holy 
purpose of redressing wrongs and defending the 
weak.^ They gave their hands to one another in 
pledge that they would not turn back from the work, 
and called upon St. George to bless their righteous 
cause. The church readily yielded its sanction to 
an institution so noble, aided it with prayers^ and 
sanctified it with a solemn blessing. Religious en- 
thusiasm became added to noble indignation and 
charitable zeal ; and the spirit of Chivalry, like the 
flame struck forth from the hard steel and the dull 
flint, was kindled into sudden light by the savage 
cruelty of the nobles, and the heavy barbarity of the 
people. 

The spirit spread rapidly, and the adoration of the 
populace, who almost deified their heroic defenders, 
gave both fresh vigour and purity to the design. 
Every moral virtue became a part of knightly ho- 
nour, and the men whose hands were ever ready to 

1 Charles Nodier on St. Palaye. 



HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 27 

draw the sword in defence of innocence — ^M'^ho in 
their own conduct set the most brilliant example — 
whose sole object was the establishment of right, 
and over whom no earthly fear or interested con- 
sideration held sway, were readily recognised as 
judges, and appealed to as arbitrators. Public opi- 
nion raised them above all other men, even above 
kings themselves ; so much so, indeed, that we find 
continually repeated, in the writings of the chival- 
rous ages, such passages as the following : — 

Chevaliers sont de moult grant prts, 
lis ont de tous gens le pris, 
Et le los et le sei^iorie. 

Thus gradually Chivalry became no longer a simple 
engagement between a few generous and valiant 
men, but took the form of a great and powerful in- 
stitution ; and as each knight had the right of cre- 
ating others without limit, it became necessary that 
the new class thus established in society should be 
distinguished by particular signs and symbols, which 
\vould guard it against the intrusion of unworthy or 
disgraceful members. 

The time at which fixed regulations first distin- 
guished Chivalry from every other order in the state 
cannot be precisely determined ; certainly it was not 
before the eleventh century. Then, however, it is 
probable, that this was done more from a general 
sense of its necessity, and by slow and irregular de- 
grees, than by any one law or agreement. Every 
thing in that age was confusion, and though the spi- 
rit of Chivalry had for its great object the restora- 
tion of order, it is not likely that its own primary 
efforts should be very regular, amid a chaos of 
contending interests and unbridled passions, which 
rendered general communication or association dif- 
ficult, if not impossible. Each knight, in admitting 
another to the noble order of which he himself was 
a menibci, probably added some little formality, as 



28 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 

he thought fit, till the mass of these customs col- 
lected by tradition formed the body of their ceremo- 
nial law. 

The first point required of the aspirants to Chi- 
valry, in its earliest state, was certainly a solemn 
vow, " To speak the truth, to succour the helpless and 
oppressed, and never to turn hack from an (nemy.'''^ 

This vow, combined with the solemn appeal to 
Heaven in witness thereof, was the foundation of 
Chivalry ; but, at the same time, we find, that in all 
ages, only one class of people was eligible to furnish 
members to the institution ; namely, the military 
class, or, in other words, the northern conquerors of 
the soil; for, with very few exceptions, the original 
inhabitants of Europe had been reduced to the con- 
dition of serfs, or slaves of the glebe. Some few, 
indeed, had held out till they forced the invaders to 
permit their being incorporated with themselves 
upon more equal terms ; but this was very rare, and 
the race rustique, as it was called, though it furnished 
archers to the armies, was kept distinct from the 
military race by many a galling difference. This 
lower race, then, could not be invested with the ho- 
nours of Chivalry ; and one of the first provisions 
we find in any written form, respecting the institu- 
tion of knighthood, is designed to mark this more 
particularly. Ad militarem honorem nullus accedat 
qui non sit de genere militum, says a decree of the 
twelfth century. We may therefore conclude that 
this was the first requisite, and the vow the first for- 
mality of Chivalry. 

It is more than probable that the ceremony next 
in historical order, attached to the admission of an 
aspirant into the ranks of knighthood, was that of 
publicly arming him with the weapons he was to 
use, in pursuance of his vow. This is likely, from 
many circumstances. In the first place, to arm him 

1 Ordene de Chevalerie Fabliaux. 



HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 29 

for the cause was naturally the next preceding to 
his vowing himself to that cause, and also by his 
receiving those arms in the face of the public, the 
new defender that the people had gained became 
known to the people, and thus no one would falsely 
pretend to the character of a knight without risking 
detection. In the second place, as I have before 
said, the arming of the German youth had been from 
the earliest ages, like the delivery of the virile robe 
to young Romans, an occasion of public solem- 
nity; and it was therefore natural that it should be 
soon incorporated with the ceremonial of the new 
military institution which now took the lead of all 
others. 

The church of course added her part to secure re- 
verence for an order which was so well calculated 
to promote all the objects of religion, and vigils, fasts, 
and prayers speedily became a part of the initiation 
to knighthood. Power is ever followed by splendour 
and display; but to use the energetic words of a 
learned and talented Avriter of the present day,^ the 
knights for long after the first institution of Chi- 
valry, were "simple in their clothing, austere in 
their morals, humble after victory, firm under mis- 
fortune." 

In France, I believe, the order first took its rise ; 
and, probably, the disgust felt by some pure minds 
at the gross and barbarous licentiousness of the 
times, infused that virtuous severity into the institu- 
tions of Chivahy which was in itself a glory. If 
we may give the least credit to the picture of the 
immorality and luxury of the French, as drawn by 
Abbon in his poem on the siege of Paris, no words 
will be found sufficient to express our admiration for 
the men who first undertook to combat not only the 
tyranny but the vices of their age ; who singly went 
forth to war against crime, injustice, and cruelty 

I Charles Nodier. 

C2 



30 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 

who defied the whole world m defence of innocence, 
virtue, and truth ; who stemmed the torrent of bar- 
barity and evil ; and who, from the wrecks of age», 
and the ruins of empires, drew out a thousand 
jewels to glitter in the star that shone upon the 
breast of knighthood. 

For long the Christian religion had struggled alone, 
a great but shaded light through the storms of dark 
and barbarous ages. Till Chivalry arose there was 
nothing to uphold it; but from that moment, with a 
champion in the field to lead forth the knowledge 
that had been imprisoned in the cloister, the influ- 
ence of religion began to spread and increase. 
Though worldly men thereunto attached the aggran- 
dizement of their own temporal power, and knaves 
and villains made it the means of their avarice, or 
the cloak of their vice, still the influence of the 
divine truth itself gradually wrought upon the hearts 
of men, purifying, calming, refining, till the world 
grew wise enough to separate the perfection of the 
Gospel from the weakness of its teachers, and to re- 
ject the errors while they restrained the power of 
the Roman church. 

In the mean time Chivalry stood forth the most 
glorious institution that man himself ever devised. 
In its youth and in its simplicity, it appeared grand 
and beautiful, both from its own intrinsic excellence, 
and from its contrast with the things around. In its 
after-years it acquired pomp and luxury; and to 
pomp and luxury naturally succeeded decay and 
death ; but still the legacy that it left behind it to pos- 
terity was a treasure of noble feelings and generous 
principles. 

There cannot be a doubt that Chivalry, more than 
any other institution (except religion) aided to work 
out the civilization of Europe. It first taught devo- 
tion and reverence to those weak, fair beings, who 
but in their beauty and their gentleness have no de- 
fence. It first raised love above the passions of the 



HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 31 

brute, and by dignifying' woman, made woman 
worthy of love. It gave purity to enthusiasm, 
crushed barbarous selfishness, taught the heart to 
expand like a flower to the sunshine, beautified glory 
with generosity, and smoothed even the rugged brow 
of war. 

For the mind, as far as knowledge went, Chivalry 
itself did little; but by its influence it did much. 
For the heart it did every thing ; and there is scarcely 
a noble feeling or a bright aspiration that we find 
among ourselves, or trace in the history of modern 
Europe, that is not in some degree referable to that 
great and noble principle, which has no name but the 
Spirit of Chivalry. 



CHAPTER II. 



(y Chivalrous Customs — Education — Grades — Services on thf Recep- 
'• tion of a Knight— On Tournaments — Jousts — Combats at Outrance 

—Passages of Arms — The Round Table — Privileges of Knighthooa 

—Duties of knighthood. 

Although the customs which I am about to detail 
at once grew gradually up under the various circum- 
stances of different centuries, and were for the most 
part unknown to the infancy of Chivalry, I think it 
right to notice here the principal peculiarities of the 
institution, rather than to interrupt the course of my 
narrative afterward, when the history of knighthood 
j may be traced continuously down to its final ex- 
tinction. 

We have already seen that each individual mem- 
ber of the order possessed the power of admitting 
any otlier person to its honours without restraint ; 
but it did not by any means follow that all previous 
trial and education was dispensed with. Very soon 
after the first institution of Chivalry every one 



32 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 

became covetous of the distinction, and it naturally 
followed that the object of each boy's aspirations, 
the aim of every young- man's ambition, was one 
day to be a knight. Those, however, who had al- 
ready received the order, were scrupulously careful 
to admit none within its fellowship who rnight dis- 
grace the sword that dubbed them ; and knighthood 
gradually became as much the reward of a long and 
tedious education, as the bonnet of the doctor or 
the stole of the clerk. 

The feudal system had now reached its acme ; and 
each individual lord, within his own domain, assumed 
the state and importance of a prince. With the vain 
spirit of ostentatious imitation which unhappily is 
common to all climes and all centuries, the great 
feudatories of the crown copied the household of the 
sovereign, and the petty barons imitated them. Each 
had his crowd of officers, and squires, and pages, and 
varlets. Even the monasteries and the abbeys af- 
fected the same pomp and ceremonial, so that we 
find the abbot of St. Denis riding' forth accompanied 
by his chamberlain and marshal, whose offices were 
lield as feoffs. 

The manor or the castle of each feudal chieftain, 
however, soon became the school of Chivalry, and 
any noble youth whose parents were either dead or 
too poor to educate him to the art of war was will- 
ingly received in the dwelling of a neighbouring ba- 
ron,'who took care that his pupil should be instructed 
in all military exercises, glad to attach to his own 
person as large a body of armed retainers as his cir- 
cumstances would permit. 

Till they reached the age of seven years the youths, 
afterward destined to arms, were left to tlie care of 
the females of the household, who taught them the 
first principles of religion and of Chivalr}^ They 
were then in general sent from home, those fathers 

[1 Felibien, Hist. St. Denis. 



HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 



33 



even, who possessed the means of conducting their 
education themselves, preferring to intrust it to some 
other noble knight who could be biassed^ by no pa- 
rental tenderness to spare the young aspirant to Chi- 
valry any of those trials and hardships absolutely 
necessary to prepare him for his after-career. 

On entering the household of another knight, the 
first place filled by the youths, then fresh from all the 
soft kindnesses of home, was that of page or varlet, 
which, though it implied every sort of attendance on 
the person of their new lord, was held as honourable, 
not degrading. 

Here they still remained^ much among the wo- 
men of the family, who undertook to complete their 
knowledge of their duty to God and their lady, instill- 
ing into their infant minds that refined and mystic 
idea of love, which was so pecuUar a trait in the 
Chivalry of old. In the mean while the rest of their 
days were passed in the service of their lord, accom 
panying him in his excursions, serving him at ta- 
ble, pouring out his drink ; all of which offices being 
shared in by the children and young relations of the 
baron himself,^ were reckoned, as I have said, highly 
honourable, and formed the first step in the ascent 
to Chivalry. 

At the same 'time infinite pains were bestowed 
upon the education of these pages. They were 
taught all sorts of gymnastic exercises which could 
strengthen the body; and, by continually mingling 
with the guests of the castle, receiving them on their 
arrival, offering them every sort of service, and listen- 
ing respectfully to the conversation of their elders, 
they acquired that peculiar grace of manner which, 
under the name of courtesy, formed a principal per- 
fection in the character of the true knight. 

At fourteen the page was usually admitted to the 
higher grade of squire, and exchanged his short dag- 

1 Coutumes de Beauvoisis. 2 st Palaye. 3 Vie de Bayard. 



34 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 

ger for the manly sword. This, however, was made a 
religious ceremony ; and the weapon which he was; 
in future to wear was laid upon the altar, from' 
whence it was taken by the priest,' and after several] 
benedictions, was hung over the shoulder of the new i 
squire, with many a sage caution and instruction ass] 
to its use. 1 

His exercises now became more robust than they 
had ever been before ; and, if we are to believe the 
old biographer of the celebrated Boucicaut, they were 
far more fatiguing than any man of the present age 
could endure. To spring upon horseback armed at 
all pieces, without putting a foot in the stirrup ; to 
cast somersets in heavy armour^ for the purpose of 
strengthening the arms ; to leap upon the shoulders 
of a horseman from behind, without other hold than 
one hand laid upon his shoulders-such, and many 
others, were the daily exercises of the young noble, 
besides regular instruction in riding and managing 
his arms. Though it would seem at first that few 
constitutions could undergo for any length of time 
such violent exertions, we must remember the effects 
produced — we must call to mind that these very men 
ill their after-life, are found bearing a weight, that few 
persons of the present times could lift, through the 
heat of a whole summer's day, under the burning sun 
of Palestine. We must remember the mighty feats 
of strength that these men performed ; and, when we 
see a Boemond fighting from noon to sunset cased 
from head to foot in thick iron, or in long after-days 
a Guise swimming against a torrent armed cap-a-pie, 
we must naturally conclude that no ordinary course 
of training could produce such vigour and hardihood. 

Several degrees of squires or esquires are men- 
tioned in the ancient chronicles ; and it is difficult to 
distinguish which class included the young noble ' 
— which was filled by an inferior race. That there 

1 Favin Thfedtre. 2 Vje de Boucicaut, Coll. Pelitot et Momerque. 



HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 35 

was a distinction is evident ; for in the life of Bayard' 
we find an old squire mentioned more than once, 
from whom he received instructions, but who never 
appears to have aspired to any higher degree. Ne- 
vertheless it is equally certain that many services 
which we should consider menial, were performed by 
the squires of the highest race about the persons of 
their lords. Nor was this confined to what might be 
considered military services ; for we learn that they 
not only held the stirrup for their lord to mount, and 
then followed, carrying his helm, his lance, his shield, 
or his gauntlets ; but they continued to serve him at 
table, to clean his armour, to dress his horses, and to 
fulfil a thousand other avocations, in which they were 
aided, it is true, by the gros varlets or common ser- 
vants, but which they still had their share in accom- 
plishing with their own hands.^ The highest class 
of esquires, however, was evidently the ^cuyer d'hon- 
neiir, who, from the manner of Froissart's mention of 
many at the court of the Count de Foix, appears to 
have had in charge the reception and entertainment 
of guests and strangers. 

The squires of course had often more important 
' duties to perform. It was for them to follow their 
lords to the battle-field; and, while the knights, 
formed in a long line, fought hand to hand against 
their equals, the squires remained watching eagerly 
the conflict, and ready to drag their master from the 
I mel^e, to cover him if he fell, to supply him with fresh 
I arms, and, in short, to lend him every aid ; without, 
i however, presuming to take an actiVe part against 
^ the adverse knights, with whose class it was forbidden 
' for a squire to engage. 

St. Palaye limits to these defensive operations the 
services of the squires in the field of battle,'' and it is 
possible that the strict laws of Chivalry might justify 
5ucii a restriction. Nevertheless there can be no 

I Vie lie Bayard. 2 Froissart. 3 St. Palaye, liv. i 



36 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 

earthly doubt that they were often much more active!} 
engaged, even in the purest days of Chivalry. In aV. 
the wars between Richard Coeur de Lion and Philip 
Augustus,^ we find them often fighting bravely ; anc 
at the battle of Bovine, a squire had nearly taken the 
life of the famous Count de Boulogne. 

These services in the field perfected the aspirant tc 
Chivalry in the knowledge of his profession ; and tht 
trials of skill which, on the day that preceded a tour- 
nament, were permitted to squires, in the lists, gave 
him an opportunity of distinguishing himself in the 
eyes of the people, and of gaining a name amon^ 
the heralds and chroniclers of knightly deeds. 

If a noble squire had conducted himself well du- 
ring the period of his service, it seldom occurred thai 
his lord refused to bestow upon him the honour of 
knighthood at the age of twenty-one ; and sometimes, 
if he had been distinguished by any great or gallani 
feat, or by uniform talent and courage,^ he was ad- 
mitted into the order before he had reached that age. 
This, nevertheless, was rare, except in the case of 
sovereign princes ; and, on the contrary, it occasion-l 
ally happened that a knight who did not choose to 
part so soon with a favourite squire would delay onr 
various pretences a ceremony which almost always 
caused some separation between the young knight 
and his ancient master.'' 

The squire, however, had always the right to claim 
the knighthood from the hand of another, if his lord 
unjustly refused to bestow it ; and that high sense of 
honour which was their great characteristic pre- 
vented the knights thus applied to from ever refusing, 
when the aspirant was fully justified in his claim. 

The times chosen for conferring knighthood were 
generally either those of great military ceremony,'' 
as after tournaments, cours pl^nieres, the muster or 

' Guillaume Guiart.; Guill, Ainoric; Rigord ; Philipeid. 
2 Branloine. 3 See note II. 

4 Charles Nodier'e Annotations on St.. Palaye. 



HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 37 

tnonstre, as it was called, of the anny, or on days con- 
secrated by the church to some peculiar solemnity, 
as Easter-day, the day of Pentecost, or even Christ- 
mas-day.^ 

This was, nevertheless, by no means imperative ; 
for we have already seen that knighthood was often 
conferred on any particular emergency, and even on 
the field of battle.^ On these occasions the forms 
Were of course abridged to suit the necessity of the 
case, but the knighthood was not the less valid or 
esteemed. 

The more public and solemn the ceremony could be 
made, the more it appeared to the taste of the nobles 
of the middle ages. Nor was the pomp and display 
without its use, raising and dignifying the order in 
the eyes of the people, and impressing deeply upon 
the mind of the young knight the duties which he 
had voluntarily taken upon himself. We all know 
how much remembrance depends upon external cir- 
cumstance, and it is ever well to give our feelings 
some fixed resting-place in the waste of life, that in 
after-years memory may lead us back and refresh the 
resolutions and bright designs of youth by the aid of 
the striking scenes and solemn moments in which 
those designs and resolutions were first called into 
activity. Nothing could be better calculated to make 
a profound impression on the mind than the ceremo- 
nies of a knight's reception in the mature times of 
Chivalry. 

On the day appointed,^ all the knights and nobles 
at that time in the city where the solemnity was to 
be performed, with the bishops and clergy, each co- 
vered with the appropiiate vestments of his order, the 
knight in his coat-of-arms, and the bishop in his stole, 
condu(;ted the aspirant to the principal church of the 
^lace. There, after the high mass had been chanted, 

1 Ducange, Dissert, xxii. Menestrier, chap. 2 ; St. Palayc, 

2 Roman de Garin. Fabliaux, vol. ii 
' Menestner, chap. 2. and 9. 

D 



38 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 

the novice approached the altar and presented the 
sword to the bishop or priest, who, taking- it from his 
hand, blessed and consecrated it to the service of reli- 
gion and virtue. 

It often happened that the bishop himself then so- 
lemnly warned the youth of the difficulties and requi- 
sites of the Older to which he aspired. " He who seeks 
to be a knight," — said the Bishop of Valenciennes 
to the young Count of Ostrevant on one of these 
occasions,^ " he who wishes to be a knight should 
have great qualities. He must be of noble birth, 
liberal in gifts, high in courage, strong in danger, se- 
cret in council, patient in difficulties, powerful against 
enemies, prudent in his deeds. He must also swear 
to observe the following rules : To undertake no- 
thing without having heard mass fasting; to spare 
neither his blood nor his life in defence of the Catho- 
lic faith ; to give aid to all widows and orphans ; to 
undertake no war without just cause ; to favour no 
injustice, but to protect the innocent and oppressed; 
to be humble in all things ; to seek the welfare of 
those placed under him ; never to violate the rights 
of his sovereign, and to live irreprehensibly before 
God and man." 

The bishop, then taking his joined hands in his 
own, placed them on the missal, and received his 
oath to follow the statutes laid down to him, after 
which his father advancing dubbed him a knight. 

At other times it occurred, that when the sword 
had been blessed, the novice^ carried it to the knight 
who was to be his godfather in Chivalry, and kneel- 
ing before him plighted his vow to him. After this 
the other knights, and often the ladies present, ad- 
vanced, and completely armed the you-th, sometimes 
beginning with one piece of the armour, sometimes 
another. St. Palaye declares that the spurs were 
always buckled on before the rest, but in the history 

» Menestrier, chap. 9. 2 St Palav© 



HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 39 

of Geoffrey, Duke of Normandy, we find the corslet 
and tlie g-reaves mentioned first, and the spear and 
sword last. 

After havmg been armed, the novice still remained 
upon his knees before his godfather in arms, who 
then, rising from his seat, bestowed upon him the 
accolade^ as it was called, which consisted generally 
of three blows of the naked sword upon the neck or 
shoulder. Sometimes it was performed by a blow 
given with the palm of the hand upon the cheek of 
the novice, which was always accompanied by some 
words, signifying that the ceremony was complete, 
and the squire had now become a knight. 

The words which accompanied the accolade were 
generally, when the kings of France bestowed the 
honour, " In the name of God, St. Michael, and St 
George, I make thee knight; be loyal, bold, and 
true." 

Sometimes to the blow were joined the words,' 
" Bear this blow and never bear another," and some- 
times was added the more Christian admonition to 
humility, " Remember that the Saviour of the world 
was buffeted and scoffed."^ 

Whatever was its origin the custom was a curious 
one, and bore a strong resemblance to the ceremony 
of manumission among the Romans, who, on free- 
ing a slave, struck him a slight blow, which Clau- 
dian happily enough terms felicem injiiriam. I do 
not, however, intend to insinuate that the one cus- 
tom was derived from the other, though, perhaps, 
the fact of a serf becoming free if his lord struck 
him with any instrument,^ except such as were em- 
ployed in his actual labour, may have been, in some 
de<^ree, a vestige of the Roman law in this respect, 
which we know descended entire to many of the 
barbarous nations. 

However that may be, after having submitted to 

1 Hartknoch, lib. ii. c. 1. 

S Existing Orders of Knighthood. > Cappefigue. 



40 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 

the blow which ended his servitude as a squire, the 
new knight was decorated with his casque, which 
had hitherto been held beside him, and then pro- 
ceeding to the door of the church, or of the castle, 
where his knighthood had been bestowed, he sprang 
upon his horse and showed himself armed in the 
principal places of the city, while the heralds pro- 
claimed his name and vaunted his prowess.' 

As long vigils, fast, prayers, and confessions had 
preceded and accompanied the admission of the new 
laright, festivals, banquets, and tournaments fol- 
lowed.2 The-banquets and the festivals, as common 
to all ages, though differing in each, I will pass over; 
suffice it, that one of the strictest laws of Chivalry 
forbade gluttony and intemperance. 

The tournament, as a purely chivalrous institu- 
tion, I must mention; though so much has been 
already written on the subject, that I could have 
wished to pass it over in silence. The most com- 
plete description ever given of a tournament is to be 
found in the writings of one whose words are pic- 
tures ; and if I dared but copy into this place the 
account of the passage of arms in Ivanhoe, I should 
be enabled to give a far better idea of what such a 
scene really was, than all the anticiuarian researches 
in my power will afford. 

All military nations, from the earliest antiquity, 
have known and practised various athletic games in 
imitation of warfare ; and we of course find among 
the Franks various exercises of the kind from the 
very first records which we have of that people, 
Nithard,^ however, gives an elaborate picture of 
these mock-fights as practised in the reigns succeed- 
ing Charlemagne ; and we find but little resemblance 
to the tournament. Four equal bands of Saxons, 
Gascons, Austrasians, and Armoricans (or Britons,< 
as they are there called) met together in an open 

1 Menestrier, ix.; St. Palayo 2 \dre Favin Thfeat. 

3 NUUvd, lib, Ui. 4 BriUannarum is the word, 



HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 41 

place, and, while the populace stood round as spec- 
tators, pursued each other, in turn, brandishing' their 
arms, and seeming fiercely to seek tlie destruction 
of their adversaries. When this had proceeded for 
some time, Louis and Charles (the two monarchs in' 
whose history the description is given) suddenly 
rushed into the field with all their choice com- 
panions, and, with quivering lances and loud cries, 
followed, now one, now another, of the parties, who 
took care to fly before their horses. 

The first authentic mention of a tournament' is to 
be found in the Chronicle of Tours, which records 
the death of Geoffrey de Priuli in 1066 ; adding the 
words qui tomeamenta invenit — who invented tour- 
naments. From the appearance^ of these exercises 
in Germany^ about the same time, we may conclude 
that this date is pretty nearly correct ; and that if 
tournaments were not absolutely invented at that 
precise period, they were then first regulated by dis- 
tinct laws. 

In England"* they did not appear till several years 
later, when the Norman manners introduced after 
the conquest had completely superseded the cus- 
toms of the Saxons. 

Thus much has seemed necessary to me to say 
concerning the origin of tournaments, as there are 
so many common fables on the subject which give 
far greater antiquity to the exercise than that which 
it is entitled to claim. 

The ceremonies and the splendour of the tourna- 
ment of course differed in different ages and differ- 
ent countries ; but the general principle was the 
same. It was a chivalrous game, originally insti- 
tuted for practising those exercises, and acquiring 

1 Ducange apud Chron. Tur. an. 1066. 

2 Munster. Geogr. lib. iii. 

" Ducange, in bis sixth dissertation, has satisfactorily overturned the 
assertion made by Modius, that tournaments were known in Germany 
at a much earlier period than here stated. 

4 Ducange, Dissert, vii. 

D2 



42 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 

that skill which was likely to be useful in knightly 
warfare. 

A tournament was usually given upon the occasion 
of any great meeting, for either military or political 
purposes. Sometimes it was the king himself who 
sent his heralds through the land to announce to all 
noblemen and ladies, that on a certain day he would 
hold a grand tournament, where all brave knights 
might try their prowess. At other times a tourna- 
ment was determined on by a body of independent 
knights ; and messengers were often sent into dis- 
tant countries to invite all gallant gentlemen to 
honour the passage of arms. 

The spot fixed upon for the lists was usually in the 
immediate neighbourhood of some abbey or castle, 
where the shields of the various' cavaliers who pur- 
posed combating v/ere exposed to view for several 
days previous to the meeting. A herald was also 
placed beneath the cloisters to answer all questions 
concerning the champions, and to receive all com- 
plaints against any individual knight. If, upon in- 
vestigation, the kings of arms and judges of the field 
found that a just accusation was laid against one^ 
of the knights proposing to appear, a peremptory 
command excluded him from the lists ; and if he 
dared in despite thereof to present himself, he was 
driven forth with blows and ignominy. 

Round about the field appointed for the spectacle 
were raised galleries, scaffoldings, tents,'' and pavi- 
lions, decorated with all the magnificence of a luxu- 
rious age. Banners and scutcheons, and bandrols, 
silks and cloth of gold, covered the galleries and 
floated round the field ; while all that rich garments 
and precious stones, beauty and youth, could do to 
outshine the inanimate part of the scene, was to be 
found among the spectators. Here too was seen 
the venerable age of Chivaliy — all those old knights 

I Menestrier Origine. 2 Favin Theatre. 3 St. Palaye. 



HISTORY OF ClllTALRT. 48 

whose limbs were no longer competent to bear the 
weight of arms, surrounding the field to view the 
prowess of their children and judge tlie deeds of the 
day. Heralds and pursuivants, in the gay and many- 
coloured garments which they peculiarly affected, 
fluttered over the field, and bands of warlike music 
were stationed near to animate the contest and to 
salute the victors. 

The knights, as they appeared in the lists, were 
greeted by the heralds and the people' according to 
their renown ; but the approbation of the female part 
of the spectators was the great stimulus to all the 
Chivalry of the field. Each knight, as a part of his 
duty, either felt or feigned himself in love ; and it 
was upon these occasions that his lady might de- 
scend from the high state to which the mystic adora- 
tion of the day had raised her, and bestow upon her 
favoured champion a glove, a riband, a bracelet,^ a 
jewel, which, borne on his crest through the hard- 
contested field, was the chief object of his care, and 
the great excitement to his valour. 

Often, too, in the midst of the combat, if accident 
or misfortune deprived the favoured knight of the 
gage of his lady's affection, her admiration or her 
pity won her to supply another token, sent by a 
page or squire, to raise again her lover's resolution, 
and animate him to new exertions. 

The old roman<!e of Perce-forest gives a curious 
picture of the effects visible after a tournament, by 
the eagerness with which the fair spectators had en- 
couraged the knights. " At the close of the tourna- 
ment," says the writer, " the ladies were so stripped 
of their ornaments, that the greater part of them 
were bareheaded. Thus they went their ways with 
their hair floating on their shoulders more glossy 
than fine gold; and with their robes without the 
sleeves, for they had given to the knights to deca 

» Sl Taixre. « Vie de Bapird. 



44 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 

rate themselves, wimples and hoods, mantles and 
shifts, sleeves and bodies. When they found them- 
selves undressed to such a pitch, they were at first 
quite ashamed ; but as soon as they saw every one 
was in the same state, they began to laugh at the 
whole adventure, for they had all bestowed their 
jewels and their clothes upon the knights with so 
good a will, that they had not perceived that they 
micovered themselves." 

This is probably an exaggerated account of the 
enthusiasm which the events of a tournament ex- 
cited in the bosom of the fair ladies of that day : but 
still, no doubt can be entertained, that they not only 
decorated their knights before the tournament with 
some token of their approbation, but in the case of 
its loss, often sent him even a part of their dress in 
the midst of the conflict. 

The other spectators, also, though animated by 
less thrilling interests, took no small share in the 
feelings and hopes of the different parties. Each 
blow of the lance or sword, struck well and home, 
was greeted with loud acclamations; and valour met 
with both its incitement and its reward, in the ex- 
pecting silence and the thundering plaudits with 
which each good champion's movements were waited 
for and seen. 

In the mean while, without giving encouragement 
to any particular knight, the heralds strove to animate 
all by various quaint and characteristic exclamations, 
such as " The love of ladies !" " Death to the 
horses !" " Honour to the brave !" " Glory to be 
won by blood and sweat !" " Praise to the sons of 
the brave !" 

It would occupy too much space to enter into all 
the details of the tournament, or to notice all the 
laws by which it was governed. Every care was 
taken that the various knights should meet upon 
equal terms ; and many a precaution was made use 
of to prevent accidents, and to render the sports both 



HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 45 

innocent and useful. But no reg^ulations could be 
found sufficient to guard against the dangerous con- 
sequences of such furious amusements; andDucange 
gives a long- list of princes and nobles who lost their 
lives in these fatal exercises. The church often in- 
terfered, though in vain, to put them down; and many 
monarchs forbade them in their dominions ; but the 
pomp with which they were accompanied, and the 
excitement they afforded to a people fond of ever>' 
mental stimulus, rendered them far more permanent 
than might have been expected. 

The weapons in tournaments were, in almost all 
cases, restrained to blunted swords and headless 
spears, daggers, and battle-axes ; but, as may well 
be imagined, these were not to be used w-ithout dan- 
ger ; so that even those festivals that passed by 
without the absolute death of any of the champions, 
left, nevertheless, many to drag out a maimed and 
miserable existence, or to die after a long and weary 
sickness. And yet the very peril of the sport gave 
to it an all-powerful interest, which we can best con- 
ceive, at present, from our feelings at some deep and 
thrilling tragedy. 

After the excitement, and the expectation, and the 
suspense, and the eagerness, came the triumph and 
the prize — and the chosen queen of the field bestowed 
upon the champion whose feats were counted best, 
that reward, the value of which consisted more in 
the honour than the thing itself. Sometimes it was 
a jewel,' sometimes a coronet^ of flowers or of laurel ; 
but in all cases the award implied a right to one kiss 
from the lips of the lady appointed to bestow the 
prize. It seems to have been as frequent a practice 
i to assign this prize on the field, as in the chateau^ or 
palace whither the court retired after the sports were 
concluded ; and we often find that the female part 
of the spectators were called to decide upon the 

•I Vie de Bayard. 2 Olivier de la Marche. 3 Ducange, Pi»sert vi». 



46 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 

merits of the several champions,- and to declare the 
victor^ as well as confer the reward. Mirth and fes- 
tivity ever closed the day of the tournament, and 
son^ and sports brought in the night. 

Every thing that could interest or amuse a barba- 
rous age was collected on the spot where one of 
these meetings was held. The minstrel or menestrier, 
the juggler, the saltimbank, the story-tellei-, were 
present in the hall to soothe or to entertain ; but still 
the foundation of tale and song was Chivalry ; — the 
objects of all praise were noble deeds and heroic 
actions ; and the very voice of love and tenderness, 
instead of seducing to sloth and effeminacy, was 
heard pronjpting to activity, to enterprise, and to 
honour — to the defence of virtue, and the search for 
glory. 

It may be here necessary to remark, that there 
were several sorts of tournaments, which differed 
essentially from each other ; but I shall not pause 
upon these any longer than merely to point out the 
particular differences between them. The joust, 
which was certainly a kind of tournament, was 
always confined to two persons, though these persons 
encountered each other with blunted arms.*^ 

The combat at outrance was, in fact, a duel, 
and only differed from the trial by battle in being 
voluntary, while the other was enforced by law. This 
contest was often the event of private quarrels, but was, 
by no means, always so ; and, to use tlie language of 
Ducange, " though mortal, it took place ordinarily 
between persons who most frequently did not know 
each other, or, at least, had no particular misunder- 
standing, but who sought alone to show forth their 
courage, generosity, and skill in arms." Sometimes, 
however, the combat at outrance was undertaken by a 
number of knights^ together, and often much blood 
was thus shed, without cause. 

I St. Palaye. 2 Ducange. Dissert, vii. 3 Mat. Paris, Ann. 1241. 



HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 47 

The pas d'armes or passage of arms, differed from 
general tournaments, inasmuch as a certain number 
of knights fixed their shields and tents in a particular 
pass, or spot of ground, which they declared their 
intention to defend against all comers.' The space 
before their tents was generally listed in, as for a 
tournament ; and, during the time fixed for the de- 
fence of the passage, the same concourse of specta- 
tors, heralds, and minstrels were assembled. 

The round table was another distinct sort of tour- 
nament,^ held in a circular amphitheatre, wherein 
the knights invited jousted against each other. The 
origin of this festival, which was held, I believe, for 
the last time by Edward III., is attributed to Roger 
Mortimer,^ who, on receiving knighthood, feasted a 
hundred knights and a hundred ladies at a round 
table. The mornings were spent in chivalrous games, 
the prize of w^hich was a golden lion, and the eve- 
nings in banquets and festivities. This course of 
entertainments continued three days with the most 
princely splendour; after which Mortimer, having 
won the prize himself, conducted his guests to War- 
wick, and dismissed them. 

From this account, taken from the History- of the 
Priory of Wigmore, Menestrier deduces that those 
exercises called " round tables" were only tourna- 
ments, during which the lord or sovereign giving the 
festival entertained his guests at a table which, to 
prevent all ceremony in respect to precedence, was 
in the form of a circle. Perhaps, liOAvever, this in- 
stitution may have had a different and an earlier 
origin, though I find it mentioned in no author pre- 
vious to the year 1279.'^ 

Chivalry, which in its pristine purity knew no 
reward but honour, soon — as it became combined 

1 Oolonibiere. 2 Menestrier, vi. 3 Mat. WestiTiona?.,page 409. 

4 Should any one be tempted to investigate further, he will find the 
subject discussed at length in the seventh dissertation of Ducange. See 
also the Chronique de Molinet. 



48 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 

with power — appropriated to itself various privileges 
which, injuring its simplicity, in the end brought 
about its fall. In the first place, the kuight was, by 
the fact of his Chivalry, the judge of all his equals, 
and consequently of all his inferiors.^ He was also, 
in most cases, the executor of his own decree, and 
it would indeed have required a different nature from 
humanity to secure such a jurisdiction from frequent 
perversion. The knight^ also took precedence of 
all persons who had not received Chivalry, a dis- 
tinction well calculated to do away with that humi- 
lity which was one of knighthood's strictest laws.^ 
Added to this was the right of wearing particular 
dresses and colours, gold and jewels, which were re- 
strained to the knightly class, by very severe ordi- 
nances. Scarlet and green were particularly re- 
served for the order of knighthood, as well as er- 
mine, minever, and some other furs. Knights also 
possessed what was called privilege of clergy, that 
is to say, in case of accusation, they could claim to 
be tried before the ecclesiastical judge.^ Their arms 
were legally forbidden to all other classes, and the 
title of Sire, Monseigneur, Sir, Don, &c., were ap- 
plied to them alone, till the distinction was lost in 
the course of time. 

Though these privileges changed continually, and 
it is scarcely possible to say what age gave birth 
to any one of them, yet it is evident that monarchs, 
after they had seen the immense influence which 
Chivalry might have on their own power, and had 
striven to render it an engine for their own purposes, 
took every care to secure all those rights and immu- 
nities to the order which could in some degree ba- 
lance the hardships, fatigues, and dangers inevitably 
attendant upon it, and supply the place of that en- 
thusiasm which of course grew fainter as the cir- 



» St. Palaye ; Ribeiro, lib. x. 2 Menestrier. 

* Ordonancos des Rois de France, tnn. 1294. ^ Pasquier Recherche* 



^STORY OF CHIVALRY. 49 

isumstanees which excited it chang:ed, and the objects 
which it soug-ht were accomplished. 

It is probable that there would always have been 
many men who would have coveted Chivalry for the 
fiole purpose of doing good and protecting- the inno- 
cent ; but monarchs sought to increase the number 
of knights as a means of defending their realms and 
extending their power, and, consequently, they sup- 
plied other motives and external honours as an in- 
ducement to those persons of a less exalted mind. 

Chivaliy was indeed a distinction not to be enjoyed 
ivithout many and severe labours. The first thing 
■ Jifter receiving knighthood was generally a long jour- 
fiey' into foreign countries, both for the purpose of 
jousting with other knights, and for instruction in 
every sort of chivalrous knowledge. There the 
70ung knight studied carefully the demeanour of 
every celebrated champion he met, and strove to 
glean the excellencies of each. Thus he learned 
courtesy and grace, and thus he heard all the famous 
exploits of the day which, borne from court to court 
by these chivalrous travellers, spread the fame of 
great deeds fromeone end of the world to theothen* 

It cannot be doubted that this practice of wander- 
ing armed through Europe gave great scope to 
licentiousness in those who were naturally ill-dis- 
posed ; and many a cruelty and many a crime was 
assuredly committed by that very order instituted to 
put down vice and to protect innocence. To guard 
against this the laws of Chivalry were most severe ;* 
and as great power was intrusted to the knight, great 
was the shame and dishonour if he abused it. The 
oath taken in the first place was as strictly opposed 
lo every vice, as any human promise could be, and 
the first principle of chivalrous honour was never to 
violate an engagement. I must here still repeat the 
remark, that it was the spirit which constituted the 

1 Vie de Bayard sur Jcand'Arces. 2 See note III 

8 Colombiere. 



60 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 

Chivalry, and as that spirit waned, Chivalry died 
away. 

One of the most curious institutions of Chivalry 
was that which required a knight, on his return from 
any expedition,* to give a full and minute account 
to the heralds, or officers of arms, of all his adven- 
tures during his absence, without reserve or conceal- 
ment ; telling as well his reverses and discomfitures, 
as his honours and success. To do this he was bound 
by oath ; and the detail thus given was registered 
by the herald, who by such relations learned to know 
and estimate the worth and prowess of each indivi- 
dual knight. It served also to excite other adventu- 
rers to great deeds in imitation of those who acquired 
fame and honour ; and it afforded matter of conso- 
lation to the unfortunate, who in those registers 
must ever have met with mishaps to equal or surpass 
their own. 

The spirit of Chivalry, however, led to a thousand 
deeds and habits not required nor regulated by any 
law. Were two armies opposed to each other, or 
even encamped in the neighbourhood of each other, 
though at peace,^ the knights would continually issue 
forth singly from the ranks to challenge any other 
champion to come out, and break a lance in honour 
of his lady. Often before a castle, or on the eve of 
a battle, a knight would vow to some holy saint 
never to quit the field, or abandon the siege, till 
death or victory ended his design. Frequently, too, 
we find that in the midst of some great festival, 
where all the Chivalry of the land was assembled, 
a knight would suddenly appear, bearing in his 
hands^ a peacock, a heron, or some other bird. Pre- 
senting it in turn to each noble in the assembly, he 
would then demand their oath upon that bird to do 
some great feat of arms against the enemy. No > 



i La C'llombiere. 2 Fioipsart OVivier de la Marche. 

3 See llie. " Voeu dii Heion ai'd ihc Vteu du Paon." cited in St Palaye. 



HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 51 

knight dared to refuse, and the vow so taken was 
irrevocable and never broken. 

One of the most extraordinary customs of Chi- 
valry, and also one of the most interesting, was the 
adoption of a brother in arms.^ 

This custom^ seems to have taken its rise in Eng- 
land, and was in common use especially among the 
Saxons. After the Conquest, however, it rapidly 
spread to other nations, and seems to have been a 
favourite practice with the crusaders. Esteem and 
long companionship were the first principles of this 
curious sort of alliance, which bound one knight to 
another by ties more strict than those of blood itself. 

It is triie the brotherhood in arms was often con- 
tracted but for a time, or under certain circum- 
stances,^ which once passed by, the engagement was 
at an end ; but far oftener it was a bond for life, 
uniting interests and feelings, and dividing dangers 
and successes. The brothers in arms^ met all perils 
together, undertook all adventures in company, 
shared in the advantage of every happy enterprise, 
and partook of the pain or loss of every misfortune. 
If the one was attacked in body, in honour, or in 
estate, the other sprang forward to defend him. 
Their wealth and even their thoughts were in com- 
mon ; so that the news which the one received, or 
the design that he formed, he was bound to commu- 
nicate to the other without reserve. Even if the one 
underlay a wager of battle^ against any other knight, 
and was cut off by death before he could discharge 
himself thereof, his brother in arms was bound to 
appear in the lists, in defence of his honour, on the 
day appointed. 

Sometimes^ this fraternity of arms was contracted 
by a solemn deed ; sometimes by a vow ratified by 

- 

1 See note IV. 2 Diicange, Dissert, xxi. 3'Monstrelet. 

4 Juvenal des Ursius. 5 Hmdonin de la Jaille. 

6 See deed between Du Guesclin and Clisson. Ducange, Dissert, xxi 



5Z HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 

the communion and other ceremonies of the church. 
In many cases,' however, the only form consisted in 
the mutual exchange of arms, which imphed the 
same devotion to each other, and the same irrevoca- 
ble engagement. 

I have now said sufficient concerning the habits 
and customs of the ancient knights, to give a general 
idea of the rules by wliich Chivalry was governed, and 
the spirit by which it was animated. That spirit waxed 
fainter, it is true, as luxury and pomp increased, and 
as the barbarities of an early age merged into the 
softer licentiousness that followed. 

But the rules of the order themselves remained 
unchanged, and did far more than any other insti- 
tution to restrain the general incontinence^ of the 
age. Even in those days when chivalrous love was 
no longer pure, and chivalrous religion no longer 
the spring of the noblest morality, the spirit of the 
days of old lingered amid the ruins of the falling 
institution. An Edward, a Du Guesclin, a Bayard, 
a Sidney, would rise up in the midst of corrupted 
times, and shame the vices of the day by still show- 
ing one more true knight ; and even now, when the 
order has altogether passed away, we feel and 
benefit by its good eifects. 

So complete a change has come over manners and 
customs, so rapid has been our late progress, and so 
many and vast have been the events of latter years, 
that to trace the remains of Chivalry in any of our 
present feelings or institutions, seems but a theore- 
tical dream. The knights of old are looked upon 
as things apart, that have neither kin nor commu- 
nity with ourselves ; their acts are hardly believed ; 
and their very existence is doubted. Let him who 
would make historical remembrance more tangible, 
and see how nearly the days of Chivalry approach 

> Ducange, Gloss. Lat. Miitare Armas. 

i Sec ihe Chevalier de la Tour, as cited by St. Palayc. 



HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 63 

to our own, run his eye over one short page in the 
chronology of the world, and he will find that no 
more than three centuries have passed since Bayard 
himself died, a knight without reproach. 



CHAPTER III. 

The Progress of Chivalry in Europe— Exploits— That some great En- 
terprise was necessary to give Chivalry an extensive and permanent 
Effect— That Enterprise presented itself in the Crusades— Pilgrimnge 
to Jerusalem— Haronn Al Raschid— Charlemagne — Cruelties of the 
Turks — Pilgrimages continued— Peter the Hermit — Council of Cler- 
mont. 

The picture which 1 have just attempted to draw 
of the various customs of Chivalry must be looked 
upon rather as a summary of its institutions and 
feelings, as they changed through many ages and 
many nations, than as a likeness of Chivalry at any 
precise period, or in any one country. 

Previous to the age of the crusades, to which I 
now propose to turn as speedily as possible, the 
state of Chivalry in Europe had made but little pro- 
gress. It had spread, however, as a spirit, to almost 
all the nations surrounding the cradle of its birth. 
In Spain Alphonso VI. ^ was already waging a com- 
pletely chivalric war against the Moors, and many 
of the knights of France, who afterward distin- 
guished themselves in the Holy Land, had, in the 
service of one or other of the Spanish princes, tried 
their arms against the Saracens. 

In England we have seen that there is reason to 
suppose the institution of knightliood was known 
to the Saxons,2 though the indiscriminate manner in 

» V rtoL 2 Sharon Turner. 

£2 



54 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 

which the word miles is used in the Latin chronicles 
of the day renders it scarcely possible to ascertain 
at what period the order was introduced. The same 
difficulty indeed occurs in regard to the Normans, 
though from various circumstances connected with 
the accounts given by William of Jumieges,' of the 
reigns of WiUiam I. and Richard I., Dukes of Nor- 
mandy, we are led to believe that Chivalry was very 
early introduced among that people. At all events 
it seems certain that after the accession of Richard 
to the ducal dignity, a. d. 960, knightly feelings made 
great progress among the Normans, and in 1003, we 
find an exploit so purely chivalrous, performed by a 
body of forty gentlemen from Normandy, that we 
cannot doubt the spirit of knighthood in its purest 
form had already spread through that country. 

"Forty Norman gentlemen," says Vertot, "all 
warriors, who had distinguished themselves in the 
armies of the Duke of Normandy, returning from a 
pilgrimage to the Holy Land, disembarked in Italy 
without arms. Having learned that the town of Sa- 
lerno was besieged by the Saracens, their zeal for 
religion caused them instantly to throw themselves 
into that place. Guimard, the Prince of Salerno, 
had shut himself up in the town, to defend it to the 
last against the infidels ; and he immediately caused 
arms and horses to be given to the Norman gentle- 
men, who made so many vigorous and unexpected 
sallies upon the Saracens, that they compelled them 
to raise the siege." In Italy we find many traces 
of Chivalry at an early date, and it would appear 
that the institution which took its rise in France was 
no sooner known than adopted by most other nations. 
The Normans, whom we have seen above succour- 
ing the Prince of Salerno in his necessity, did not 
remain a sufficient length of time in Itaiy to spread 
the chivalrous spirit; but it is said that Guimard^ 

* VVilUaia of Jumicgcs, lib. Iv 



HISTORr OF CHIVALRY. 53 

after using every effort to induce them to stay, sent 
deputies after them to Normandy, praying for aid 
from the nobles of that country against the Saracens. 
Several large bodies of Norman adventurers, in con-* 
sequence of his promises and persuasions, proceeded 
to establish themselves in Apulia and Calabria, de- 
feated the Saracens, cleared the south of Italy and 
part of Greece of those locust-like invaders, and re- 
established the Greek and Italian prin(;es in their 
dominions. These princes, however, soon became 
jealous of their new allies, and employed various 
base means to destroy them. They, on the other 
hand, united for mutual defence, and under the fa* 
mous Robert Guiscard, one of twelve brothers who 
had left Normandy foi' Italy together, they speedily 
conquered for themselves the countries which they 
had restored to ungrateful lords. Guiscard was now 
universally acknowledged as their chief, and thus 
began the chivalrous Norman empire in Italy. 

Nothing, perhaps, more favoured the general pro- 
gress of Chivalry than the state of religion in that 
day ; which, overloaded with superstitions, and 
decked out with every external pomp and ornament, 
appealed to the imagination through the medium of 
the senses, and woke a thousand enthusiasms which 
could find no such fitting career as in the pursuits of 
knighthood. The first efforts of the feudal system, 
too, gradually extending themselves to every part of 
Europe, joined to make Chivalry spread through the 
different countries where they were felt, by raising 
up a number of independent lords who — each anxious 
to reduce his neighbours to vassalage, and to pre- 
serve his own separate lordship-^required continual 
armed support from others, to whom he oflfered in 
return honour and protection. 

Thus, for about a century, or perhaps a little more, 
after the first institution of knighthood. Chivalry 
slowly gained ground, and by each exploit of any par- 
ticular body of knights (such, for instance, as we 



66 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 

have recorded of the Normans) the order became 
more and more respected, and its establishment more 
firm, decided, and regular. It wanted but one great 
enterprise commenced and carried through upon chi- 
valrous principles alone to render Chivalry, com- 
bined as it was with religion and the feudal system, 
the great master power of Europe — and that enter- 
prise was at hand. 

The natural reverence for those countries, sanc- 
tified and elevated by so many miracles, and rendered 
sublimely dear to the heart of every Christian, as the 
land in which his salvation was brightly but terribly 
worked out, had from all ages rendered Palestine an 
object of pilgrimage. In the earliest times, after the 
recognition of the Christian faith by Constantino, 
the subjects of the Roman empire had followed the 
example of the empress Helena, and had deemed it 
almost a Christian duty to visit the scenes of our 
Saviour's mortal career. For many ages while the 
whole of Judea remained under the sway of the 
Cesars, the journey was an easy one. Few diffi- 
culties waylaid the passenger, or gave pilgrimage 
even the merit of dangers encountered and obstacles 
overcome. 

Towards the seventh century, the eastern pro- 
vinces of the Roman empire, already weakened by 
many invasions, had to encounter the exertions of 
another adversary, who succeeded in wresting them 
from their Christian possessors. The successors of 
Mahomet, who from a low station had become a great 
legislator, a mighty conqueror, and a pretended 
prophet, carried on the conquest which he had begun 
in Arabia, and one by one made themselves masters 
of Syria, Antioch, Persia, Medea, and in fact the 
greater part of the rich continent of Asia. 

It is not here my purpose to trace the progress of 
these conquerors, or to examine for a moment the 
religion they professed. Suffice it, that in the days 
of Charlemagne the fame of that great prince pro- 



HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 57 

duced from the calif Haroun al Raschid many liberal 
concessions in favour of the Christian pilgrims to 
Jerusalem, now in the hands of the unbelievers. 

Particular ag-es seem fertile in great men ; and it 
is very rare to find one distinguished poet, monarch, 
or conqueror standing alone in his own century. 
Nay more; — we generally discover — however dif- 
ferent the country that produces them, and however 
opposite the circumstances under which they are 
placed — that there is a similarity in the character of 
the mind, if I may so express myself without obscu- 
rity, of the eminent persons produced in each parti- 
cular age. This was peculiarly the case in the age 
of Charlemagne. It seemed as if the most remote 
corners of the earth had made an effort, at the same 
moment, to produce from the bosom of barbarism 
and confusion a great and intelligent monarch — an 
Alfred, a Haroun, and a Charlemagne. The likeness 
seemed to be felt by the two great emperors of the 
east and the west ; and a reciprocation of courtesy' 
and friendship appears to have taken place between 
them, most rare in that remote age. Various pre- 
sents were transmitted from one to the other; and 
the most precious offering that the Christian monarch 
could receive, the keys of the Holy City, were sent 
from Bagdad to Aix, together with a standard, which 
has been supposed to imply the sovereignty of Jeru- 
salem resigned by Haroun to his great contemporary. 
Nothing could afford a nobler proof of a great, a 
liberal, and a delicate mind, than the choice evinced 
by the calif in his gift. Charlemagne took advantage 
so far of Haroun's liberality,^ as to estabhsh an hos- 
pital and a library for the Latin pilgrims. 

Tlie successors of Haroun, and more particularly 
Monstacer Billah, continued to yield tolerance at 
least, if not protection, to the Christians of Jerusalem. 
The pilgrims also were more or less protected during 

1 Eginhard.Annal. 3 Mabillon. 



68 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 

the reigns that followed, both from motives of liberal 
feeling and of interest, as the great influx of travel- 
lers, especially from Italy, brought much wealth and 
commerce into Syria. 

Under the califs of the Fatemite race several per- 
secutions took place ; and when at length the invasion 
of the Turkish hordes had brought the whole of Pa- 
lestine under the dominion of a wild and barbarous 
race, Jerusalem was taken and sacked ; and while 
the Christian inhabitants were treated with every 
sort of brutal cruelty, the pilgrims were subject to 
taxation' on their arrival, as well as liable to plunder 
by the way. 

A piece of gold was exacted for permission to enter 
the Holy City ; and at that time, when the value of 
the precious metals was infinitely higher than in the 
present day, few, if any, of the pilgrims on their ar- 
rival possessed sufficient to pay the cruel demand. 

Thus, after having sufifered toils unheard of— hun- 
ger, thirst, the parching influence of a burning sky, 
sickness, danger, and often robbery, and wounds ; 
when the weary wanderer arrived at the very entrance 
of the city, with the bourn of all his long pilgrimage 
before him, the enthusiastic object of all his hopes 
in sight, the place of refuge and repose for which he 
had longed and prayed within his reach — unless he 
could pay the stipulated sum, he was driven by the 
barbarians from the gates, and was forced to tread 
back all his heavy way unfurnished with any means, 
and unsupported by any hope, or to die by the road- 
side of want, weariness, and despair. 

The pilgrimages nevertheless continued with unre^ 
mitting zeal ; and the number of devotees increased 
greatly in tlie tenth and eleventh centuries. In the 
tenth, indeed, the custom of pilgrimage became 
almost universal, from a misinterpretation^ of a pro- 
pliecy in the Apocalypse. A general belief prevailed 

1 William of Tjre, lib. i. 2 Voltaire, Essai sur les Mceura. 



HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 69 

that at the end of the tenth century, the thousand 
years being concluded^ the world was to be judged ; 
and crowds of men and women, in the frantic hope 
of expiating their sins by the long and painful journey 
to the Holy Land, flocked from all parts of Europe 
towards Jerusalem. 

Many of the more clear-sighted and sensible of the 
Christian prelates had from time to time attempted 
to dissuade the people from these dangerous and fatal 
pilgrimages; but the principle of bodily infliction 
being received as a mark of internal penitence and a 
means of obtaining absolution, had been so long in- 
culcated by the church of Rome, that the current of 
popular opinion had received its impulse, and it was 
no longer possible to turn it from its course. No pe- 
nance could be more painful or more consistent with 
the prejudices of the multitude, than a pilgrimage to 
the Holy Land ; and thus the priests continued often 
to enforce the act, while the heads of the church 
themselves, as religion became corrupted, learned to 
see this sort of penitence in the same light as the 
people, and encouraged its execution. They found 
the great efficacy of external excitements in stimu- 
lating the populace to that superstitious obedience on 
which they were fast building up the authority of the 
Roman church, and probably also were not without 
a share in the bigoted enthusiasm which they taught. 
Thus in the tenth centuiy the pilgrimages which 
fear lest the day of judgment should be approaching 
induced many to undertake in expiation of their sins, 
met but little opposition; while various meteoric 
phenomena, of a somewhat awful nature, earth- 
quakes, hurricanes, &c., contributed to increase the 
general alarm. 

When these had passed by, and the dreaded epoch 
had brought forth nothing, the current still continued 
to flow on in the course that it had taken ; and during 
the eleventh century several circumstances tended to 
increase it. Among others the terror spread through 



60 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 

France by the Papal Interdict, called forth by the re- 
fractory adherence of Robert I. to his queen' Bertha, 
brought more pilgrims than usual from that country. 

Of many thousands who passed into Asia,^ a few 
isolated individuals only returned ; but these every 
day, as they passed through the different countries 
of Europe on their journey back, spread indignation 
and honor by their account of the dreadful suffer- 
ings of the Christians in Judea. Various'' letters are 
reported as having been sent by the emperors of the 
east to the different princes of Euiope, soliciting aid 
to repel the encroachments of the infidel ; and if but 
a very small portion of the crimes and cruelty attri- 
buted to the 'J'urks by these epistles were believed 
by the Christians, it is not at all astonishing that 
wrath and liorror took possession of every chivalrous 
bosom. Pope Sylvester II. had made an ineffectual 
appeal to Christendom towards the end of the tenth 
century, bringing forward the first idea of a crusade;^ 
but the age was not then ripe for a project that re- 
quired a fuller developement of chivalrous feelings. 
Gregory VII. revived the idea, and made it the sub- 
ject of a very pompous epistle ; but he himself was 
one of the first to forget the miseries of his fellow- 
ehristians in Palestine, in the pursuit of his own 
aggrandizement. 

Still, the persecution of the Christians in Pales- 
tine, and the murder and pillage of the pilgrims con- 
tinued ; still the indignation of Europe was fed and 
renewed by repeated tales of cruel barbarity com- 

I Gnibert de Nogent. 2 Will. Tyr. lib. i. 

3 Mills meiit'ons one from Manuel VII. to Pope Gregory VII., and 
Guibert of Nogent speaks of another which, though he cautiously avoids 
naming the emperor who wroie it, lest he should mislead from want of 
correct information, could only have been sent, under some of the i ircum- 
stances he mentions, by Isaac Comnenns. Mills supposes it to have 
been the same with a letter written by Alexius, though it differs in many 
parts from the usual vers on of that epistle. Probably, however, 
this opinion is correct, as a letter is staled to have been addressed to 
Robert of Flanders, who was iu his extreme youth in the time of Isaac 
Comiieatis. 4 Muratot. Script. Hal. 



HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 61 

mitted in the Holy Land — sufferings of the church — 
insults to religion — and merciless massacres of coun^ 
trymen and lelations : still, also, the spirit of Chi- 
valry was each day spreading further and rising 
more powerfully, so that all was preparing for some 
great and general movement. The lightning of the 
crusade was in the people's hearts, and it wanted 
but one electric touch to make it flash forth upon 
the world. 

At this time a man, of whose early days we have 
little authentic knowledge, but that he was born at 
Amiens, and from a soldier had become a priest,' 
after living for some time the life of a hermit, became 
seized with the desire of visiting Jerusalem. He 
was, according to all accounts,^ small in stature and 
mean in person ; but his eyes possessed a peculiar 
fire and mtelligence, and his eloquence was powerful 
and flowing. The fullest account of his manners 
and conduct is to be found in Robert the Monk, who 
was present at the council of Clermont, and in Gui- 
bert of Nogent, who speaks in the tone of one who 
has beheld what he relates. 

The first of these authors describes Peter the Her- 
mit,'' of whom we speak, as esteemed among those 
who best understand the things of earth, and supe- 
rior in piety to all the bishops or abbots of the day. 
He fed upon neither flesh nor bread, says the same 
writer, though he permitted himself wine and other 
aliments, finding nevertheless his pleasure in the 
greatest abstinence. 

Guibert, or Gilbert, of Nogent, speaks still more 
fully of his public conduct.'' " He set out," says the 
writer, " from whence I know not, nor with what 
design ; but we saw him at that time passing through 
the towns and villages, preaching every where, and 
the people surrounding him in crowds, loading him 
with presents, and celebrating his sanctity with such 

1 Albert of Aix ; William of Tyre. 2 ibid. 

3 Robert, lib. i. 4 Guib. Nogent, lib. ii. 

F 



62 HISTORY or CHIVALRY. 

high eulogiums, that I never remember to have seen 
such, honours rendered to any other person. He 
showed himself very generous, however, in the diS" 
tribution of the things given to him. He brought 
back to their homes the women that had abandoned 
their husbands, not without adding gifts of his own, 
and re-estabUshed peace between those who lived 
unhappily, with wonderful authority. In everything 
he said or did, it seemed as if there was something 
of divine ; so much so, that people went to pluck 
some of the hairs from his mule, which they kept 
afterward as relics ; which I mention here not that 
they really were so, but merely served to satisfy the 
public love of any thing extraordinary. While out 
of doors he wore ordinarily a woollen tunic, with a 
brown mantle, which fell down to his heels. He 
had his arms and his feet bare, eat little or no bread, 
and lived upon fish and wine." 

Such was his appearance after his return: prior 
to that period it is probable that this hermit had 
made himself remarkable for nothing but his general 
eloquence and his ascetic severity. Great and ex* 
traordinary men are often long before opportunity 
gives scope for the display of the particular spirit 
whose efforts are destined to distinguish them. I 
mean not to class Peter the Hermit among great 
men ; but certainly he deserves the character of one 
of the most extraordinary men that Europe ever 
produced, if it were but for the circumstance of 
having convulsed a world — led one continent to 
combat to extermination against another, and yet 
left historians in doubt whether he w^as madman or 
prophet, fool or politician. 

Peter, however, accomplished In safety his pil- 
grimage to Jerusalem,^ paid the piece of gold de- 
manded at the gates, and took up his lodging in the 
house of one of the pious Christians of the Holy City. 

1 Hist. Hieros. abrev. Jacob. Vit. lib. i. 



HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 63 

Here his first emotion' seems to have been indig^- 
naut horror at the barbarous and sacrilegious brutal- 
ity of the Turks. The venerable prelate of Tyre 
represents him as conferring eagerly with his host 
upon the enormous cruelties of tlie infidels, even be- 
fore visiting the general objects of devotion. Doubt- 
less the ardent, passionate, enthusiastic mind of 
Peter had been wrought upon at every step he took 
in the Holy Land, by the miserable state of his 
brethren, till his feelings and imagination became 
excited to almost frantic vehemence. After per- 
forming the duties of the pilgrimage, visiting each 
object of reputed holiness,'^ and praying in those 
churches which had the fame of peculiar sanctity, 
Peter, with his heart wrung at beholding the objects 
of his deepest veneration in the hands of the church's 
enemies, demanded an audience of the patriarch, to 
whom some Latin friend presented him. 

Simeon the patriarch, though a Greek, and conse- 
quently in the eyes of Peter a heretic, was still a 
Christian, suffering in common with the rest of the 
faithful in the Holy Land, and the herm.it saw in him 
that character alone. The union — the overflowing 
confidence with which the hermit and the prelate 
appear to have treated each other — raises them both 
in our estimation ; but it also throws an historical 
light upon the character of Peter, which places him 
in a more elevated situation than modern historians 
have been willing to concede to him. The patriarch 
Simeon, a man as famous for his good sense as for 
his piety, would not, surely, have opened his inmost 
thouglits to a wandering pilgrim like Peter, and in- 
trusted to him a paper sealed with his own seal, 
which, if taken by the Turks, would have ensured 
death to himself and destruction to Christianity in 
Palestine, had he not recognised in the hermit " a 
man,"' to use the words of William of Tyre, " full 

1 Will. Tvr. lib. i. ; Albert. Chron. Hieros. 

2 Will. Tyr. ; Hist Hieros. ; Jacob. Vit. lib. i. 3 Will. Tyr. lib. i 



64 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. i 

of prudence ?iiid experience in the things of thi^? 
world." 

This, however, was the case; and after long con- ■' 
versations, wherein many a tear was shed over the i 
hapless state of the Holy Land, it was determined, .\ 
at the suggestion of Peter, that the patriarch should ! 
write to the pope and the princes of ihe west, setting 
forth the miseries of Jerusalem and of the faithful 
people of the Holy City, and praying for aid and pro- 
tection against the merciless sword of the Saracen. 
Peter, on his part, promised to seek out each indivi- 
dual prince, and to show, with his whole powers of 
language, the ills of the Christians of Palestine. 

From these conversations Peter went again and 
again to pray in the church of the Resurrection, pe- 
titioning ardently for aid in the great undertaking 
before him. On one of these occasions it is said 
that he fell asleep,' and beheld the Saviour in a vi- 
sion, who exhorted him to hasten on his journey, 
and persevere in his design. 

Without searching for any thing preternatural, the 
vision is not at all difficult to believe, though the 
place of its occurrence seems to have been fictitious. 
Nothing could be more natural than for Peter the 
Hermit, with his mind full of the mission he was 
about to undertake, to dream that the Being in whose 
cause he believed himself engaged appeared to en- 
courage him, and to hasten his enterprise ; and it is 
easy to conceive that, with full confidence in this 
manifestation of heavenly favour, he should set forth 
upon his journey with enthusiastic zeal. 

Bearing the letter of the patriarch, Peter now re- 
turned in haste to Italy, and sought out the pope, to 
declare the miseries of the church in the Holy l,and, 
and to propose the means of its deliverance. Urban 
II., who then occupied the apostolic chair, had inhe- 
rited from Gregory wars and contestations with the 

1 Albert. Aquensis ; Hist Hieros. ; Jacobi Vitr. j Will. Tyr. 



HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 65 

emperor Henry IV., and was at the same time em- 

( broiled with the weak and luxurious Philip 1. of 

j France, on the subject of that king's adulterous in- 

I tercourse with Bertrade. He, as well as Gregory, 

had taken refuge in Apulia and Calabria, and had 

thrown himself upon the protection of the famous 

Robert Guiscard, who readily granted him the aid 

of that powerful mind which made the utmost parts 

of the earth tremble.* 

It does not correctly appear at what place Urban 
sojourned at the time of Peter's arrival in Italy,^ 
His whole support was, evidently, still in the family 
of Guiscard ; and it seems that with Boemond, Prince 
of Tarentum, the gallant and chivalrous son of Ro- 
bert, he first held council upon the hermit's^ great 
and interesting proposal, before he d&termined on 
the line of conduct to be pursued. 

One of the historians of the crusades,"* attributing 
pejhaps somewhat too much the spirit of modern 
politics to an age whose genius was of very different 
quality, supposes that the course detormmed on by 
the pope and his ally was, in fact, principally a shrewd 
plot to fix Urban firmly in the Vatican, and to for- 
ward Boemond's ambitious views in Greece. It 
seems to me, however, that such a supposition is 
perfectly irreconcilable with the subsequent conduct 
of either. The pope shortly after threw himself into 
the midst of his enemies, to hold a council on the 
subject of the crusades ; and Boemond abandoned 
every thing in Europe to carry on the holy war in 
Palestine. It is much more natural to imagine that 
the spirit of their age governed both the prelate and 
the warrior — the enthusiasm of religion the one, and 
the enthusiasm of Chivalry the other. 
However that may be, Peter the Hermit met with 

i See note V. 

2 William of Tyre says that he was wandering from place to plac« 
under tlie protectioii of Guiscard This opinion I have adopted, although 
Albert of Aix declares that Peter joined him ai Rome. 

» WUl. of Malmsbury 4 Mills. 

F2 



69 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 

a most encouraging reception from the pope. The 
sufferings of his fellow-christians brought tears from 
the prelate's eyes ; the general scheme of the crusade 
was sanctioned' instantly by his authority; and, pro- 
mising his quick and active concuirence, he sent liim 
on, the pilgrim to preach the deliverance of the Holy- 
Land through all the countries of Europe. Peter 
wanted neither zeal nor activity^ — from town to 
town, from province to province, from country to 
country, he spread the cry of vengeance on the 
Turks, and deliverance to Jerusalem ! The warlike 
spirit of the people was at its htight ; the genius of 
Chivalry was in the vigour of its early youth ; the 
enthusiasm of religion had now a great and terrible 
object before it, and all the gates of the human heart 
were open to the eloquence of the preacher. That 
eloquence was not exerted in vain; nations rose at 
his word and grasped the spear; and it only wanted 
some one to direct and point the great enterprise 
that was already determined. 

In the mean time the pope did not forget his pro- 
mise ; and while Peter the Hermit spread the inspira- 
tion throughout Europe,^ Urban called together a 
council at Placentia, to which deputies were ad- 
mitted from the emperor of Constantinople, who dis- 
played the progress of the Turks, and set forth the 
danger to all Christendom of suffering their arms to 
advance unopposed. The opinion of the assembly- 
was universally favourable to the crusade; and trust- 
ing to the popularity of the measure, and the indica- 
tions of support which he had already met with, the 
pope determined to cross the Alps and to hold a se- 
cond council in the heart of Gaul. 

The ostensible object of this council was to regu- 
late the state of the church, and to correct abuses ; 
but the great object was, in fact, the crusade. It is 
useless to investigate the motives which gave Urban 

I Wm. Tyr. lib. i: t Guibertus ; G«sta Dei. s a. D. 1095. 



HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 67 

11. courage to summon a council, d(!stined, among 
other things, to solemnly reprobate the dissolute 
condu(;t of Philip of France, in the midst of domi- 
nions, if not absolutely feudatory to the crown' of that 
monarch, at least bound to it by friendship and alli- 
ance. Whether it arose from fortitude of a just 
cause, or from reliance on political calculation, the 
prelate's judgment was proved by the event to be 
right. After one or two changes in regard to the 
place of meeting, the council was assembled at 
Clermont, in Auvergne,^ and was composed of an 
unheard-of multitude of priests, princes, and nobles, 
both of France and Germany, all willing and eager 
to re(.'eive the pope's injunctions with reverence and 
obedience. After having terminated the less impor- 
tant affairs which formed the apparent business of 
the meeting, and which occupied the deliberation of 
seven days, Urban, one of the most eloquent men 
of the age, came forth from the church^ in which 
the principal ecclesiastics were assembled, and ad- 
dressed the immense concourse which had been 
gathered into one of the great squares, no building 
being large enough to contain the number. 

The prelate* then, with the language best calcu- 
lated to win the hearts of all his hearers, displayed 
the miseries of the Christians in the Holy Land. 
He addressed the multitude as a people peculiarly 
favoured by God, in the gift of courage, strength, 
and true faith. He told them that their brethren in 
the east were trampled under the feet of infidels, to 

1 Mills, chap. ii. 2 Will. Tyr. lib. i. 3 Robertus Monacbus, lib. i. 

* I have followed as nearly as possible the account of Robertus Mo- 
nachus, who was present. Havinf? found in no book of any authenti- 
city the speech attributed by more modern writers to Poter the Hermif, 
I have rejacted it entirely as supposititious. Neither Robert, nor Alber- 
tus Aquensis, nor William of Tyre, nor Guibert of Nogent, nor James 
of Vitry, the most a\ithentic historians of the crusade, some of whom 
were present at the council of Clermont, and most of whom lived at the 
time, even nr.ention the appearance of Peter at that assembly. That he 
might be there, I do not attempt to deny, but that lie addressed the peo> 
pie I believe utterly unfounded. 



68 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 

whom Godhadnot granted the light of his Holy Spirit 
' — that fire, plunder, and the sword had desolated 
completely the fairplains of Palestine — that her chil- 
dren were led away captive, or enslaved, or died un- 
der tortures too horrible to recount— that the women 
of their land were subjected to tlie impure passions 
of the pagans, and that God's own altar, the symbols 
of salvation, and the precious relics of the saints 
were all desecrated by the gross and filthy abomi- 
nation of a race of heathens. To whom, then, he 
asked — to whom did it belong to punish such crimes, 
to wipe away such impurities, to destroy the oppres- 
sors, and to raise up the oppressed 1 To whom, if 
not to those who heard him, who had received from 
God strength, and power, and greatness of soul ; 
whose ancestors had been the prop of Christendom, 
and whose kings had put a barrier to the progress 
of infidels ? " Think !" he cried, "of the sepulchre 
of Christ our Saviour possessed by the foul heathen ! 
— rthink of all the sacred places dishonoured by their 
sacrilegious impurities !— O brave knights, off'spring 
of invincible fathers, degenerate not from your an- 
cient blood ! remember the virtues of your ancestors, 
and if you feel held back from the course before you 
by the soft ties of wives, of children, of parents, call 
to mind the words of our Lord himself: 'Whosoever 
loves father or mother more than me, is not worthy 
of me. Whosoever shall abandon for my name's 
sake his house, or his brethren, or his sisters, or his 
father, or his mother, or his wife, or his children, or 
his lands, shall receive an hundredfold, and shall 
inherit eternal life.' " 

The prelate then went on to point out the superior 
mundane advantages which those might obtain who 
took the Cross. He represented their own country 
as poor and arid, and Palestine as a land flowing with 
milk and honey ; and, blending the barbarous ideas 
jof adark age with the powerful figures of enthusiastic 
eloquence, he proceeded — " .lorusalem is in the cen- 



HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 69 

tre of this fertile land ; and its territories, rich above 
all others, offer, so to speak, the delights of Paradise. 
That land, too, the Redeemer of the human race ren- 
dered illustrious by his advent, honoured by his resi- 
dence, consecrated by his passion, repurchased by hig 
death, signalized by his sepulture. That royal city, 
Jerusalem — situated in the centre of the world — held 
captive by infidels, who deny the God that honoured 
her — now calls on you and prays for her deliver- 
ance. From you — from you above all people she 
looks for comfort, and she hopes for aid ; since God 
has granted to you, beyond other nations, glory and 
might in arms. Take, then, the road before you in 
expiation of your sins, and go, assured that, after the 
honour of this world shall have passed away, impe- 
rishable glory shall await you even in the kingdom of 
heaven !" 

Loud shouts of " God wills it ! God wills it !" pro- 
nounced simultaneously by the whole, people, in all 
the different dialects and languages of which the 
multitude was composed, here intenupted for a mo- 
ment the speech of the prelate : but, gladly seizing 
the time. Urban proceeded, after having obtained 
silence, " Dear brethren, to-day is shown forth in you 
that which the Lord has said by his evangelist — 
* When two or three shall be assembled in my name, 
there shall I be in tr. j midst of them ;' for if the Lord 
God had not been in your souls, you would not all 
have pronounced the same words; or, rather, God 
himself pronounced them by your lips, for he it was 
that put them in your hearts. Be they, then, youx 
war-cry in the combat, for those words came forth 
from God. — Let the army of the Lord, when it rushes 
upon his enemies, shout but that one cry, ' God wills 
it! God wills it !'i 

" Remember, however, that we neither order nor 
advise this journey to the old, nor to the weak, nor tp 

1 See note VI. 



70 HISTORY OF CinVALRY. 

those who are unfit to bear arms. Let not this way 
be taken by women, without their husbands, or their 
brothers, or their legitimate guardians, for such are 
rather a burden than an aiJ. Let the rich assist the 
poor, and bring with them, at their own charge, those 
Who can bear arms to the field. Still, let not priests 
nor clerks, to whatever place they may belong, set 
out on this journey without the permission of their 
bishop ; nor the layman undertake it without the 
blessing of his pastor, for to such as do so tlieir 
journey shall be fruitless. Let whoever is inclined 
to devote himself to the cause of God, make it a 
solemn engagement, and bear the cross of the Lord 
either on his breast or on his brow till he set out ; 
and let him who is ready to begin his march place 
the holy emblem on his shoulders, in memory of that 
precept of the Saviour — ' He who does not take up 
his cross and follow me, is not worthy of me.' " 

The pontiff thus ended his oration, and the multi- 
tude prostrating themselves before him, repeated the 
Conjiteor^ after one of the cardinals. The pope then 
pronounced the absolution of their sins, and bestowed 
on them his benediction; after which they retired to 
their homes to prepare for the great undertaking to 
which they had vowed themselves. 

Miracles are told of the manner in which the news 
of this council, and of the events that distinguished 
it, spread to every part of the world ; but neverthe- 
less it did spread, as may easily be conceived, with 
great quickness, without any supernatural aid ; and, 
to make use of the words of him from whom we 
have sketched the oration of \he pope, " Throughout 
the earth, the Christians glorified themselves and 
were filled with joy, while the Gentiles of Arabia and 
Persia trembled and were seized with sadness : the 
souls of the one race M'ere exalted, those of the 
others stricken with fear and stupor." 

' Robertus Monachua 



HISTORY OF CHIVALRY* 71 

Gfeat, certainly, was the influence which the zeal 
and eloquence of Urban gave him over the people 
Some authors, with a curious sort of historical puri* 
tanism, which leads them to judge of ages past only 
by the principles of the day in which they themselves 
exist, have reproached the pope with not using the 
means in his hands for purposes which vi^ould have 
needed the heart of a Fenelon to conceive properly, 
and the head of a Napoleon to execute. They say 
that, with the povi^ers which he did possess, he might 
have reformed a world ! It is hardly fair, methinks, 
to require of a man in a barbarous, ignorant, cor- 
rupted age the enlightened visions of the nineteenth 
century. 

Pope Urban II., at the end of the eleventh century, 
showed a great superiority to the age in which he 
lived, and at the council of f~^lermont evinced qua- 
lities of both the heart and the mind which have de- 
servedly brought his name down to us with honour. 
His first act in the council was to excommunicate, 
for adulterous profligacy, Philip, monarch of the very 
ground on which he stood ; and, in so doing, he made 
use of the only acknowledged authority by which 
the kings of that day could be checked in the course 
of evil. Whether the authority itself was or was 
not legitimate, is not here the question ; but, being at 
the time undisputed, and employed for the best of 
objects, its use can in no way fairly be cited as an 
instance either of pride or ambition. The pope's 
conduct in preaching the crusade is equally justifia- 
ble. His views were of course those of the age in 
which he lived, and he acted with noble enthusiasm 
m accordance with those views. He made vast ef- 
forts, he endangered his person, he sacrificed his ease 
and comfort, to accomplish what no churchman of 
his day pretended to doubt was a glorious and a no- 
ble undertaking. In thus acting, he displayed gi eat 
qualities of mind, and showed himself superior to 
the century in powers of conducting, if he w'as not 
so in tlie powers of conceiving p^'eat designs. 



72 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 

It would be very difficult to prove, also, that the 
pope, had he even possessed the will, could, by the 
exertion of every effort, have produced the same 
effect in any other cause that he did in favour of the 
crusades. I have already attempted to show that all 
thing's were prepared in Europe for the expedition to 
the Holy Land, by the spirit ofreligious and military 
enthusiasm ; and the task was li^ht, to aid in pour- 
ing on the current of popular feeling- in the direction 
which it had already begun to take, when compared 
with the labour n:^cessary to have turned that cur- 
rent into another channel. He who does not grasp 
the spirit of tlie age on which he writes, but judges 
of other days by the feelings of his own, is like one who 
would adapt a polar dress to the climate of the tropics. 

Before closing this chapter, one observatioa also 
must be made respecting tiie justice of the crusade, 
which enterprise it has become somewhat customary 
to look upon as altogether cruel and unnecessary. 
Such an opinion, however, is in no degree founded 
on fact. The crusade was not only as just as any 
other warfare of the day, but as just as any that 
ever was waged. The object was, the protection 
and relief of a cruelly oppressed and injured people 
— the object was, to repel a strong, an active, and 
an encroaching enemy — the object was, to wrest 
from the hands of a bloodthirsty and savage people 
territories which they themselves claimed by no right 
but the sword, and in which the population they had 
enslaved was loudly crying for deliverance from their 
yoke — the object was, to defend a weak and exposed 
frontier from the further aggression of a nation whose 
boast was conquest. 

Such were the objects of the crusades; and though 
much of superstition was mingled with the incite- 
ments, and many cruelties committed in its course, 
the evils were not greater than ordinary ambition 
every day produces ; and the motives were as fair 
as any of those that have ever instigated the many 
feuds and warfares of the world. 



HISTORY OF CHIVALRV. 73 



CHAPTER IV. 

TTie Effects of the Council of Clermont— State of France— Motives of 
the People for embracing the Crusade — Benefits produced— The En- 
thusiasm general— Rapid Progress— The First Bodies of Crusaders 
begin their March — Gautier Sans Avoir — His Army — Their Disasters 
— Reach Constantinople — Peter the Hermit sets out with an immense 
Multitude — Storms Sernlin-r Defeated at Nissa — His Host dispersed 
—The Remains collected— Joins Gautier— Excesses of the Multitude 
— The Italians and Germans separate from the French— The Ger- 
mans exterminated — The French cut to pieces — Coyiduct of Alexius. 

The immediate effects of the council of Clermont 
are detailed with so much animation by Guibert of 
Nogent, that I shall attempt to trace them nearly in 
his own words, merely observing-, that previous to his 
departure from France, Urban II., having taken every 
means in his power to secure the property of the cru- 
saders during their absence, committed the chief di- 
rection of the expedition to Adhemar, Bishop of Puy, 
in Auvergne.^ 

"As soon as the council of Clennont was con- 
cluded," says the historian, " a great rumour spread 
through the whole of France, and as soon as fame 
brought the news of the orders of the pontiff to any 
one, he went instantly to solicit his neighbours and 
his relations to engage with him in the way of God, 
for so they designated the purposed expedition. 

" The Counts Palatine^ were already full of the 
desire to undertake this journey; and all the knights 
of an inferior order felt the same zeal. The poor 
themselves soon caught the flame so ardently, that 
no one paused to think of the smallness of his wealth, 

* Fulcher of Chartres; Guibert of Nogent ; William of T>t€, 
2 See note vn, 

G 



74 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 

or to consider whether he ought to yield his house, 
and his fields, and his vines ; but each one set about 
selling his property, at as low a price as if he had 
been held in some horrible captivity, and sought to 
pay his ransom without loss of time. 

" At this period, too, there existed a general dearth. 
The rich even felt the want of corn; and many, 
with every thing to buy, had nothing, or next to no- 
thing, wherewithal to purchase what they needed. 
The poor tried to nourish themselves with the wild 
herbs of the earth ; and, as bread was veiy dear, 
sought on all sides food heretofore unknown, to sup- 
ply the place of corn. The wealthy and powerful 
were not exempt ; but finding themselves menaced 
with the famine which spread around them, and be- 
holding every day the terrible wants of the poor, 
they contracted their expenses, and lived with the 
most narrow parsimony, lest they should squander 
the riches now become so necessary. 

" The ever insatiable misers rejoiced in days so fa- 
vourable to their covetousness; and casting their 
eyes upon the bushels of grain which they had 
hoarded long before, calculated each day the profits 
of their avarice. Thus some struggled with every 
misery and want, while others revelled in the hopes 
of fresh acquisitions. No sooner, however, had 
Christ inspired, as I have said, innumerable bodies 
of people to seek a voluntary exile, than the money 
which had been hoarded so long was spread forth in 
a moment ; and that which was horribly dear while 
all the world was in repose, was on a sudden sold for 
nothing, as soon as every one began to hasten to- 
wards their destined journey. Each man hurried to 
conclude his affairs ; and, astonishing to relate, we 
then saw — so sudden was the diminution in the value 
of every thing — we then saw seven sheep sold foi 
five deniers. The dearth of grain, also, was instantly 
changed into abundance ; and every one, occupied ' 



HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 75 

solely in amassing money for his journey, sold 
every thing that he could, not according to its real 
worth, but according to the value set upon it by the 
buyer. 

" In the mean while, the greater part of those who 
had not determined upon the journey, joked and 
laughed at those who were thus selling their goods 
for whatever they could get ; and prophesied that 
their voyage would be miserable, and their return 
worse. Such was ever the language one day ; but 
the next — suddenly seized with the same desire as 
the rest — those who had been most forward to mock, 
abandoned every thing for a few crowns, and set out 
with those whom they had laughed at but a day be- 
fore. Who shall tell the children and the infirm that, 
animated with the same spirit, hastened to the war? 
Who shall count the old men and the young maids 
who hurried forward to the fight 1 — not with the hope 
of aiding, but for the crown of martyrdom to be won 
amid the swords of the infidels. * You, warriors,' 
they cried, * you shall vanquish by the spear and 
brand ; but let us, at least, conquer Christ by our suf- 
ferings.' At the same time, one might see a thousand 
things springing from the same spirit, which were 
both astonishing and laughable : the poor shoeing 
their oxen, as we shoe horses, and harnessing them 
to two-wheeled carts, in which they placed their 
scanty provisions and their young children ; and pro- 
ceeding onward, while the babes, at each town or 
eastle that they saw, demanded eagerly whether that 
was Jerusalem." 

Such is the picture presented, by an eyewitness, of 
the state of France after the first promulgation of 
the crusade ; and a most extraordinary picture it is. 
The zeal, the enthusiasm, the fervour of the spirit, 
ttip brutal ignorance and dark barbarity of the peo- 
ple, are the objects that catch the eye from the mere 
surface ; but underneath may be seen a hundred fine 
and latent tints which mingle in the portrait of the 



76 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 

age. There may be found the hope of gain and the 
expectation of wealth in other lands, as well as the 
excitement of devotion ; and there also may be traced 
the reckless, daring- courage of a period when com- 
fort was unknown, and when security was scarcely 
less to be expected among the swords of the Sara- 
cens, than in the fields of France and Germany. 
While the thirst of adventure, the master-passion of 
the middle ages, prompted to any change of scene 
and circumstances, imagination portrayed the land in 
view with all that adventitious splendour which none 
— of all the many betrayers of the human mind — so 
well knows how to bestow as hope. 

The same land, when the Jews marched towards 
it from the wilderness, had been represented to them 
as a land flowing with milk and honey, — rich in all 
gifts ; and doubtless that inducement moved the stub- 
born Hebrews, as much as the command of him they 
had so often disobeyed. Now the very same pros- 
pect was held out to another host of men, as igno- 
rant of what lay before them as the Jews themselves ; 
and it may be fairly supposed that, in their case too, 
imaginary hopes, and all the gay phantasma of am- 
bition, shared powerfully with religion in leading 
them onward to the promised land. 

Still zeal, and sympathy, and indignation, and chi- 
valrous feeling, and the thirst of glory, and the pas- 
sion for enterprise, and a thousand vague but great 
and noble aspirations, mingled in the complicated 
motive of the crusade. It increased by contagion ; 
it grew by communion ; it spread from house to 
house, and from bosom to bosom ; it became a 
universal desire — an enthusiasm — a passion — a mad- 
ness. 

In the mean while, the crusade was not without pro- 
ducing a sensible benefit even to Europe. The whole 
country had previously been desolated by feuds' 

1 Guibertof Nogent. 



HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 77 

&id pillage, and massacre. Castle waged war with 
castle : baron plundered baron ; and from field to 
field, and city to city, the traveller conld scarcely 
pass without injury or death. No sooner,^ however, 
had the crusade been preached at the council of 
Clermont, than the universal peace, which was there 
commanded, called the Truce^ of God, was sworn 
throughout the country, the plunder ceased and the 
feuds disappeared. The very fact of the wicked, the 
infamous, and the bloodthirsty having embraced the 
crusade, either from penitence or from worse mo- 
tives, was a positive good to Europe. That not alone 
the good,'' the religious, the zealous, or the brave, 
fiiled the ranks of the Cross is admitted on all 
hands ; yet those who had once assumed that holy 
sign were obliged, in some degree, to act as if their 
motives had been pure, and their very absence was a 
blessing to the land they left. 

Still the crusade went on ; and the imagination of 
the people being once directed towards a particular 
object found, even in the phenomena which in for- 
mer days would have struck nations with fear and 
apprehension, signs of blessing and omens of success. 
An earthquake itself"* was held as good augury; and 
scarcely a meteor shot across the sky without afford- 
ing some theme for hope. 

The sign of the Cross was nov/ to be seen on the 
shoulder of every one ; and being generally cut in 
red^ cloth, was a conspicuous and remarkable object. 
As these multiplied, the hearts even of the fearful 
grew strong, and the contagion of example added to 
the number every hour. Peter the Hermit, indefati- 
gable in his calling, though his miind seems day by 
day^ to have become more excited, till enthusiasm 
^rew nearly akin to madness, gathered a vast con- 

I Fulcher of Chartres ; William of Tyre. 2 Guiberti ; Gesta D^ 
3 Albert. Aquensis ; Will. Tyr; Guibert. 4 Albert of Aix. 

5 S^eDucaiiiiein Sig. Cruc. 

6 Albert of Aix ; James of Vitry ; Robert the Monk ; Guibert 

G2 



78 HISTORY UF CHIVALRY. 

course of the lower orders, and prepared to set out 
by the way of Hung-ary. But the real and service- 
able body of crusaders was collected from amoui^ 
another class, whose military habits and chivalrous 
character were well calculated to effect the great ob- 
ject proposed. 

In France, Hugh, the brother of King Philip, Ro- 
bert, Count of Flanders, Stephen, Count of Chartres 
and Blois, Adhemar, Bishop of Puy, William, Bishop 
of Orange, Raimond, Count of Toulouse, and many 
others of the highest station, assumed the Cross, and 
called together all the knights and retainers that their 
great names and influence could bring into the field. 
Robert, Duke of Normandy, son of William the 
Conqueror of England, accompanied by a number of 
English barons, prepared also for the crusade. God- 
frey of Loraine, and his brothers were added to the 
number ; and Boemond, Prince of Tarento, the va- 
liant son of Robert Guiscard,cast from him the large 
possessions which h is sword and that of his father 
had conquered, and turned his hopes and expecta- 
tions towards the east. 

The immense multitudes thus assembled are said 
to have amounted to nearly six millions of souls;' and 
one of the most astonishing proofs of the rapidity 
with which the news of the crusade must have spread, 
and the enthusiasm with which it was received, is to 
be found in the fact, that the council of Clermont 
was held in the November of the year 1095, and that 
early in the spring of 1096 a large body of the cru- 
saders was in motion towards Palestine. 

The historians of the day are not at all agreed in re- 
gard to which was the multitude that led the way 
towards the Holy Land. It appears^ almost certain, 
however, that Gautier sans avoir, or Walter the 

I'Fulcher. 

2 Albert of Aix ; William of Tj-re. Mills follows this opinion ; Oui- 
bert of Nogent and James of Vitry are opposed to it, and Fulcher gives a 
different account also. 



HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 79 

Penniless, a Burgimdian gentleman, without fortune, 
who had assembled a considerable band of the lower 
classes under the banaer of the Cross, was the first 
who set out in compliance with the general vow. 
He was, according to all accounts, a complete soldier 
of fortune, renowned for his poverty even to a pro- 
verb, but by no means, as has been asserted, without 
military fame AlP the contemporary writers desig- 
nate him by his cognomen of poverty ; but all at the 
same time describe him as an illustrious warrior. 
Nevertheless, the host that he led was rather an ill- 

I governed crowd of men on foot than an army ; and 

i but eight knights accompanied the leader on his ex- 
pedition. The difficulties of the undertaking were 
incalculable ; and the followers of Walter had pro- 
vided but little for the necessities of the way. It 

■ showed, however, no small skill in that leader to 
conduct the disorderly rabble by which he was fol- 

I lowed, so far as he did in safety. 

Passing through Germany,^ he entered into Hun- 

i gary; where, entangled among the marshes and 
passes of that kingdom, his whole followers must 
have perished inevitably, had he not met with the 
greatest kindness and assistance from the king 
and people of the country, who, professing the 
Christian religion, understood and venerated the 
motives of the crusade. 
Thus the host of Walter swept on till their arrival 

; at Semlin, where some stragglers were attacked and 
plundered by a party of Hungarians less humane 
than their brethren. The arms and crosses of the 
crusaders who had thus been despoiled, were fixed 
upon the walls of the city as a sort of trophy; 
but Walter, though strongly urged by his followers 
to seek vengeance for the insult, wisely forbore; 
and passing forward, entered into Bulgaria. Here 
the champions of the Cross met with no further 

1 Fulcher; WilL Tyr. ; Albert. Aquen 2 Will. Tyr. 



80 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 

aid. The people reg-arded them with jealous 
suspicion ; the cities shut their gates upon them ; 
all commerce was prohibited, and all supplies de- 
nied. 

Famine now imperiously urged them to violence*, 
and having taken possession of whatever flocks and 
herds they could find, the crusaders soon found 
themselves attacked by the Bulgarians, by whom 
considerable numbers were cut otf and destroyed. 

Walter himself, with great wisdom' and resolution, 
forced his way through innumerable difficulties, till 
he had left behind him the inhospitable country of 
the Bulgarians ; and at length brought his army, infi- 
nitely wasted by both famine and the sword, to the 
neighbourhood of Constantinople. Here he obtained 
permission to refresh his forces, and wait the arrival 
of Peter the Hermit himself, who followed close 
upon his steps. 

The multitude which had been collected by the 
Hermit was even of a less uniform and regular de- 
scription than that which had followed Gautier smis 
avoir. Men, women, and children, — all sexes, ages, 
and professions, — many and distinct languages — a 
quantity of baggage and useless encumbrance, ren- 
dered the army of Peter as unwieldy and dangerous 
an engine as ever was put in motion. Notwithstand- 
ing its bulk and inconsistency, it also proceeded in 
safety, and without much reproach, through Germany 
and Hungary ; but at Semlin, the sight of the crosses 
and vestments which had been stripped from^ the 
stragglers of Walter's host roused the anger of the 
multitude. The town was attacked and taken by 
assault, with all the acts of savage ferocity 
which usually follow such an occurrence ; and the 
crusaders, without remorse, gave themselves up to 
every barbarity that dark and unrestrained passions 
could suggest. ' 

J Albsft of ALx ; William of Tyre. 2 Albert of Aix. 3 Ciuibcrt. 



HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 81 

The news of this event soon reached the king of 
Hungary; who, calling together a considerable force, 
marched to avenge the death and pillage of his sub- 
jects. His approach instantly caused Peter to decamp 
from Semlin ; but the passage of the Morava was op- 
posed by a tribe of savage Bulgarians : few boats 
were to be procured ; those tliat were found were of 
small dimensions ; and the rafts that could be hastily 
constructed were but little manageable in a broad and 
rapid river. Some of the crusaders thus perished in 
the water, some fell by the arrows of the enemy ; 
but the tribe that opposed the passage being defeated 
and put to flight, the rest of Peter's followers were 
brought over in safety. 

The Hermit now, after having sacrificed the pri- 
soners to what was then considered a just resent- 
ment, pursued his way to Nissa, in which town 
the Duke of Bulgaria had fortified himself, having 
abandoned Belgrade at the approach of the army of 
the Cross. Finding, however, that Peter did not 
at all contemplate taking . vengeance for the in- 
hospitality shown to Gautier sans avoir, the duke 
wisely permitted his subjects to supply the crusaders 
with necessaries. 

Thus all passed tranquilly under the walls of Nissa, 
till Peter and his host had absolutely departed, when 
some German stragglers, remembering a controversy 
of the night before with one of the Bulgarian mer- 
chants, set fire to several mills and houses without 
the walls of the town. 

Enraged at this wanton outrage, the armed peo- 
ple of the city rushed out upon the aggressors, and, 
not contented with sacrificing them to their fury, 
fell upon the rear of the Hermit's army, glutted 
their wrath with the blood of all that opposed them, 
and carried oft' the baggage, the women, the children, 
and all that part of the multitude whose weakness 
at once caused them to linger behind, and left them 
without defence. 



82 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 

The moment that Peter heard of this event, he 
turned back ; and, with a degree of calmness and 
moderation that does high honour to his memory, 
he endeavoured to investigate the cause of the dis- 
aster, and concihate by courtesy and fair words. 
This negotiation was highly successful ; the duke, 
appeased with the vengeance he had taken, agreed 
to return the prisoners and the baggage, and every 
thing once more assumed a peaceful aspect ; when 
suddenly, a body of a thousand imprudent men, fan- 
cying that they saw an opportunity of seizing on 
the town, passed the stone bridge, and endeavoured 
to scale the walls. A general conflict ensued ; the 
ill-disciplined host of the crusaders was defeated 
and dispersed, and Peter himself, obliged to fly 
alone, took refuge, like the rest, in the neighbouring 
forests. 

For some time he pursued his way over moun- 
tains,^ and wastes, and precipices ; and it may easily 
be conceived that his heart — so lately elated with 
honour, and command, and gratified enthusiasm — 
now felt desolate and crushed, to find the multitude 
his voice had gathered dispersed or slain, and him- 
self a wandering fugitive in a foreign land, without 
shelter, protection, or defence. At length, it is said, 
he met by chance several of his best and most cou- 
rageous knights at the top of a mountain, where 
they had assembled with no more than five hundred 
men, which seemed at first all that remained of his 
vast army.'' He caused, however, signals to be 
made and horns to be sounded in the different parts 
of the forest, that any of the scattered crusaders 
within hearing might be brought to one spot. 

These and other means which were put in prac- 
tice to call together the remnants of his army, proved 
so successful, that before night seven thousand men 
were collected, and with this force he hastened to 

1 Albert of Aix. 2 ibid. 



HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 83 

march on towards Constantinople. As he went, 
other bands, which had been separated from him in 
the confusion of the flight, rejoined him, and the 
only difficulty, as the host advanced, was to procure 
the necessaries of life. 

The news of Peter's adventures flew before them, 
and reached even Constantino|)le. Alexius, the em- 
peror, who had not yet learned to fear the coming of 
the crusaders, sent deputies to meet the Hermit, and 
to hasten his journey ; and at Philippopoli the eloquent 
display of his sufferings, which Peter addressed to 
the assembled people, moved their hearts to compas- 
sion and sympathy. The wants of the host were plen- 
tifully supplied, and, after reposing for some days in 
the friendl> city, the whole body, now again amount- 
ing to thirty thousand men, set out for Constantinople, 
where they arrived in safety, and joined the troops 
which Walter the Penniless had conducted thither 
previously. 

Here they found a considerable number of Lom- 
bards and Italians ; but these, also, as well as the 
troops which they had themselves brought thither 
were not only of the lowest, but of the most dis- 
orderly classes of the people. It is no wonder 
therefore — although Alexius supplied them with mo- 
ney and provisions, and tried to secure to them the 
repose and comfort that they needed in every re- 
spect — that these ruffian adventurers should soon 
begin to tire of tranquillity and order, and to exer- 
cise their old trades of plunder and excess.' They 
overturned palaces, set fire to the public buildings, 
and stripped even the lead off the roofs of the 
churches, which they afterward sold to the Greeks 
from whom they had plundered it. 

Horrified by these enormities,^ the emperor soon 
found a pretext to hurry them across the Bosphorus, 
still giving them the humane caution, to wait the ar- 
rival of stronger forces, before they attempted to 

1 Guibert. 2 Baldric 



84 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 

quit Bithynia. Here, however, their barbarous licen* 
tiousness soon exceeded all bounds, and Peter the 
Hermit himself, having lost command over his tur- 
bulent followers, returned to Constantinople in de- 
spair, upon the pretence of consulting with the em- 
peror on the subject of provisions.' 

After his departure, the Lombards and Germans 
separated themselves from the French and Normans, 
whose crimes and insolence disgusted even their 
barbarous fellows. Gautier sans avoir still conti- 
nued in command of the French, who remained 
where Peter had left them ; but the Italians^ and 
Germans chose for their leader one Renault, or Ri- 
naldo, and, marching on, made themselves masters 
of a fortress called Exorogorgon, or Xerigord. Here 
they were attacked by the sultaun Soliman, who cut 
to pieces a large body placed in ambuscade, and then 
invested the fort, which, being ill supplied with 
water, he was well aware must surrender before long. 

For eight days the besieged underwent tortures 
too dreadful to be dwelt upon, from the most ago- 
nizing thirst. At the end of that time, Rinaldo and 
his principal companions went over to the Turks, 
abandoned their religion, and betrayed their brethren. 
The castle thus falling into the hands of the infidels, 
the Christians that remained were slaughtered with- 
out mercy. 

The news of this disaster was soon brought to the 
French camp, and indignation spread among the 
crusaders.'' Some say a desire of vengeance, some 
a false report of the fall of Nice, caused the French 
to insist upon hurrying forward towards the Turkish 
territory. Gautier wisely resisted for some time all 
the entreaties of his troops, but at length finding them 
preparing to march without his consent, he put him- 

1 Albert of Aix. 
Guibert of Nogent, lib. ii. ; Albert of Alx, lib. i. ; Orderic Vital, lib 
ix. Mills says it was the French and Normans who thus advanced into 
the country, but the great majority of writers is against him, 

a Albert of Aix ; William of T>'re. 



HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 85 

self at their head, and led them towards Nice. Be- 
fore reaching that place, he was encountered by the 
Turkish forces. The battle was fierce, but unequal ; 
Gautier and his knights fought with desperate cou- 
rage,' but all their efforts were vain ; the Christians 
were slaughtered in every direction; and Gautier 
himself, after having displayed to the last that intre- 
pid valour for which he was renowned, fell under 
seven mortal wounds. 

Not above three thousand Christians effected their 
escape to Civitot. Here again they were attacked 
by the Turks, who surrounded the fortress with vast 
piles of wood, in order to exterminate by fire the few 
of the crusaders that remained. The besieged, how- 
ever, watched their moment, and while the wind blew 
towards the Turkish camp, set fire to the wood them- 
selves, which thus was consumed without injury to 
them, while many of their enemies were destroyed 
by the flames.^ 

In the mean time one of the crusaders had made 
his way to Constantinople, and communicated the 
news of all these disasters lo Peter the Hermit. The 
unhappy Peter, painfully disappointed, like all those 
who fix their enthusiasm on the virtues or the pru- 
dence of mankind, was driven almost to despair, by 
the folly and unworthiness of those in whom he had 
placed his hopes. He nevertheless cast himself at 
the feet of the emperor Alexius,^ and besought him, 
with tears and supplications, to send some forces to 
deliver the few cnisaders who had escaped from the 
scimitar of the Turks. 

The monarch granted his request, and the little 
garrison of Civitot were brought in safety to Con- 
stantinople. After their arrival, however, Alexius 
ordered them to disperse and return to their own 
country ; and with wise caution bought their arms 

1 Robert the Monk ; William of Tyre ; Guibert of Nogent j Albert of Aix, 

2 Robert the Monk ; . Guibert of NogenL 

3 William of Tyre ; Albert of Aix. 

H 



86 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 

before he dismissed them ;' thus at once supplying 
them with money for their journey, and depriving 
them of the means of plundering' and ravaging his 
dominions as they went. Most of the historians^ 
of that age accuse Alexius of leaguing with the 
Turks, even at this period, to destroy the crusaders, 
or, at least, of triumphing in the fall of those very 
men whom he had himself called to his succour. 

The conduct of Alexius in this transaction is not 
very clear, but it is far from improbable that, fearful 
of the undisciplined multitude he had brought into 
his dominions, horrified by their crimes, and indig- 
nant at their pillage of his subjects, he beheld them 
fall by their own folly and the swords of the enemy, 
without any eftbrt to defend them, or any very dis- 
agreeable feeling at their destruction. And indeed, 
when we remember the actions they did commit 
within the limits of the Greek empire, we can hardly 
wonder at the monarch, if he rejoiced at their punish- 
ment, or blame him if he was indifl'erent to their fate. 

Thus ended the great expedition of Peter the Her- 
mit : but several others of a similar unruly character 
took place previous to the march of those troops, 
whose discipline, valour, and unity of purpose en- 
sured a more favourable issue to fheir enterprise. I 
shall touch but briefly upon these mad and barbarous 
attempts, as a period of more interest follows. 

The body of crusaders which seems to have suc- 
ceeded immediately to that led by Peter the Hermit 
was composed almost entirely of Germans, collected 
together by a priest called Gottschalk.^ They pene- 
trated into Hungary ; biU there, giving way to all 
manner of excesses, they were followed by Carlo- 
man, the king of that country, with a powerful army, 
and having been induced to lay down their arms, that 
the criminals might be selected and punished, they 
were slaughtered indiscriminately by the Hunga- 

1 Robert the Monk ; Guibert of Nogcnt. 2 Ibid. 

3 William of Tyre : Albert of Ai.v. 



HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. * 87 

rians, who were not a little g-lad to take veiig^eance 
for the blood shed by the ariny of Peter at Semlin. 

About the same period, immense bands of men and 
women came forth from almost every country of 
Europe, with the symbol of the crusade upon iheir 
shoulders, and the pretence of serving- God upon their 
lips. They joined together wheresoever they met, 
and, excited by a foul spirit of fanatical cruelty, 
mingled with the most infamous moral depravity, 
proceeded towards the south of Germany. They 
g-ave themselves up, we are told,' to the pleasures of 
the table without intermission: men and women, and 
even children, it is said, lived in a state of promis- 
cuous debauchery ; and, preceded by a goose and a 
goat,^ which, in their mad fanaticism, they declared 
to be animated by the divine spirit, they marched 
onward, slaughtering the Jews as they went ; and 
proclaiming that the first duty of Cliristians was to 
exterminate the nation which had rejected the Saviour 
himself. Several of the German bishops bravely 
opposed them, and endeavoured to protect the un- 
happy Hebrews ; but still, vast multitudes M'ere slain, 
and many even sought self-destruction rather than 
encounter the brutality of the fanatics, or abjure their 
religion. 

Glutted with slaughter, the ungodly lierd now 
turned towards Hungary ; but at Mersburg they were 
encountered by a large Hungarian force, which dis- 
puted their passage over the Danube, absolutely re- 
fusing the road through that kingdom to any future 
band of crusaders. The fanatics forced their way 
across the river, attacked Mersburg itself with great 
fury and perseverance, and succeeded in making a 
breach in the walls, when suddenly an unaccount- 
able terror seized them — none knew how or why — 
they abandoned the siege, dispersed in dismay, and 
fled like scattered deer over the country. 

> Albert. Aquensis ; William ofTyre. 2 Albert of Aix. 



68 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 

The Hungarians suffered not the opportunity to 
escape, and pursuing- them on every side, smote them 
during many days with a merciless fuiy, that nothing 
but their own dreadful cruelties could palliate. The 
fields were strewed with dead bodies, the rivers 
flowed with blood, and the very waters of the Danube 
are said to have been hidden by the multitude of 
corpses. 

Disaster and death had, sooner or later, overtaken 
each body of the crusaders that had hitherto, with- 
out union or command, set out towards the Holy 
Land ; but each of these very bands had been com- 
posed of the refuse and dregs of the people. I do 
not mean by that word dregs the poor, but I mean the 
base — I do not mean those who were low in station, 
or even ignorant in mind; but I mean those who 
were infamous in crime, and brutal in desire. Doubt- 
less, in these expeditions, some fell who w^ere ani- 
mated by noble motives or excellent zeal ; but such 
were few compared with those whose objects were 
plunder, licentiousness, and vice. The swords of 
the Hungarians and the Turks lopped these away; 
and I cannot find in my heart to look upon the puri- 
fication which Europe thus underwent with any thing 
like sorrow. The crusade itself was by this means 
freed from many a base and unworthy member; and 
Chivalry, left to act more in its own spirit, though 
still participating deeply in the faults and vices of a 
barbarous age, brought about a nobler epoch and a 
blighter event. 



HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 89 



CHAPTER V. 

TJie Chivalry of Europe takes the Field— The Leaders— Godfrey ofBouil' 
Ion — Conducts his Army towards Constantinople — Hugh the Great- 
Leads his Army through Italy — Embarks for Durazzo — Taken Pri- 
soner—Liberated — Robert, Duke of Normandtf — Winters in Italy — 
Arrives at Constantinople — Robert, Count of Handern — Joins the rest 
— Boemond of Tarentum— Tancred— Their March— Defeat the Greeks 
^-Boemonddoes Homage — Tancred avoids it — The Count of Toulouse 
arrives — Refuses to do Homage-~ Robert of Normandy does Homage. 

While the undisciplined and barbarous multitudes 
who first set out were hurrying^ to destruction, va- 
rious princes and leaders were engaged, as I have 
before said, in collecting the Chivalry of Europe under 
the banner of the Cross. Six distinguished chiefs — 
Godfrey of Bouillon, Duke of Loraine — Hugh the 
Great, Count of Vermandois, and brother of Philip, 
King of France — Robert, Duke of Normandy, brother 
of William Rufus — Robert, Count of Flanders — Boe- 
mond, Prince of Tarentum — and Rainiond, Count of 
Toulouse — conducted six separate armies towards 
Constantinople: and I propose, in this chapter, to 
follow each of them till their junction in Bithynia. 

It is indeed a pleasure to turn our eyes from scenes 
of horror and crime to the contemplation of those 
great and shining qualities — those noble and enthu- 
siastic virtues, which entered into the composition 
of that rare quintessence, the spirit of Chivalry. 

Doubtless, in the war which I am about to paint 
there occurred many things that are to be deeply re- 
gretted, as furnishing abundantly that quantity of 
aiioy which is ever, unhappily, mixed with virtue's 
purest gold : but, at the same time, I now come to 
speak of men, in many of whom splendid courage, 
and moral beauty, and religious zeal, and temperate 
H2 



90 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 

wisdom, and generous magnanimity, combined to 
form the great and wonderful of this earth's chil- 
dren. Indeed, if ever there was a man who Avell 
merited the g'lorious name of a true knight, that man 
was Godfrey of Bouillon; and few have described 
him without becoming poets for that once. 

I will not borrow from Tasso — who had the privi- 
lege of eulogium— but, in striving' to paint the charac- 
ter of the great leader of the crusade, I shall take 
the words of one of the simplest of the writers of 
his age,' and give them as nearly as possible in their 
original tone : " He was beautiful in countenance,'* 
says Robert the Monk, " tall in stature, agreeable in 
his discourse, admirable in his morals, and at the 
same time so gentle, that he seemed better fitted for 
the monk than for the kniglit ; but when his enemies 
appeared before him, and the combat approached, his 
soul became filled with mighty daring- ; like a lion, 
he feared not for his person — and what shield, what 
buckler, could resist the fall of his sword ?" 

Perhaps of all men of the age, Godfrey of Bouillon 
was the most distinguished. His mother Ida, daugh- 
ter of Godfrey, Duke of Loraine, was celebrated for 
her love of letters,^ and from her it is probable that 
Godfrey himself derived that taste for literature, so 
singular among the warriors of that day. He spoke 
several languages, excelled in every chivalrous ex- 
ercise, was calm and deliberate m council, firm and 
decided in resolution; he was active, clearsighted, 
and prudent, while he was cool, frank, and daring ; 
in the battle he was fierce as the lion, but in victory 
he was moderate and humane. 

Though still in his prime of years when the cru- 
sades were preached, he was already old in exploits : 
he had upheld Henry IV. on the imperial throne, had 
attacked and forced the walls of Rome, and had 
shone in a hundred fields, where his standard ever 
was raised upon the side of honour and of virtue. 

^ Roberlus Monachus, lib. i 2 Guibert of Nog€iU. 



HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 91 

Long' ere the idea of such an enterprise as the 
icrusade became general in Europe, Godfrey had 
often been heard to declare, when tales were brought 
him of tb.e miseries of the Holy Land, that he longed 
to travel to Jerusalem,^ not with staff and scrip,^ but 
with spear and shield ; and it may well be conceived 
that his was one of the first standards raised in the 
ranks of the Cross. A fever that had hung upon 
him for some time left him at the tidings, and he felt 
as if he had shaken off a load of years, and reco- 
vered all his youth.^ 

His fame as a leader soon collected an immense 
number of other barons and knights, who willingly 
ranged themselves under his banner ; and we find that 
besides Baldwin, his brother"* — and many other rela- 
tions — the lords of St. Paul, of Hainault, of Gray, 
of Toul, of Hache, of Conti, and of Montague, with 
their knights and retainers, had joined him before the 
beginning of August,^ and towards the middle of that 
month they began their march with all the splendour 
of Chivaliy.^ 

The progress of this new body of crusaders was 
directed, like that of Peter the Hermit, towards Hun- 
gary ; but the conduct maintained by the followers 
of Godfrey was as remarkable for its strict discipline, 
moderation, and order, as that of liis predecessors 
had been for turbulence and excess.^ The first ob- 
jects, however, that presented themselves on the 
Hungarian frontier were the unburied corpses of the 
fanatic crowd slain near Mersburg. 

Here then Godfrey paused during three weeks,^ in- 
vestigating calmly the causes of the bloody specta- 
cle before him; after which he wrote to Carloman, 
king of Hungary ; and his letter on this occasion, 
minghng firmness with moderation, gives a fair pic- 
ture of his noble and dignified character. Having 

1 Guibert of Nogent. « See note VlII. 3 Will. Malaishury 

* W\U. of Tyre ; Albert f.f Aix. 5 Albert of Aix. 

6 Guibert of Nogent, 7 Guibert ; AVill. Tyr. 8 Albert of Al\. 



92 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 

mentioned the horrible sight which had arrested him 
in his progress, and the rumours he had heard, he 
proceeds — " However severe may have been the 
punishment inflicted on our brethren, whose remains 
lie round about us, if that punishment was merited, 
our anger shall expire ; but if, on the contrary, you 
have calumniated the innocent, and given them up to 
death, we will not pass over in silence the murder of 
tlie servants of God, but will instantly show our- 
selves ready to avenge the blood of our brethren."^ 

It was easy for Carloman to prove that the aggres- 
sion had been on the side of the crusaders; and after 
various acts of confidence between Godfrey^ and the 
king, the army of the Cross was permitted to pass 
through Hungary, which they accomplished in safety 
and peace, maintaining the strictest discipline and 
regularity, and trading with the people of the country 
with good faith and courtesy. Hence, proceeding 
through Bulgaria and Thrace, Godfrey led his troops 
peacefully on to Philippopoli, where he was met by 
deputies from the emperor, charged with orders to 
see that the crusaders should be furnished with every 
kind of necessary provision. 

In passing through Dacia and Bulgaria, the army 
of Godfrey had been not a little* straitened for 
food, and it is impossible to say what might have 
been the consequences, had the same dearth been suf- 
fered to continue. The prudent conduct of the em- 
peror did away all cause of violence, and after the 
arrival of his deputies, the troops of the Cross cele- 
brated his liberality with joy and gratitude. 

News soon reached the army^ of Godfrey, how- 
ever, which changed their opinion of Alexius, and 
showed him as the subtle and treacherous being that 
he really was. To explain what this news consisted 
of, I must turn for a moment to another party of cru- 

1 William of Tyre. 2 Albertof Aix. 

* Albert. Aqueusi* 4 will. Tyr. ; Albert. Aquens. 



HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. VS 

sadeis, who, M-hile Godfrey pursued his peaceful 
course through Hungary, marched towards the gene- 
ral meeting-place at Constantinople, by the way of 
Italy. 

Hugh, Count of Vermandois, had assembled an 
army even superior in number to that of Godfrey of 
Bouillon, and was himself in every respect calcu- 
lated to shine at the head of such an armament. He 
■was gallant,' brave, handsom.e, and talented ; but the 
calm and dignified spirit of moderation, which so 
characterized Godfrey of Bouillon, was wanting in 
tlie brother of the French king. Joined to his expe- 
dition, though marcliing in separate bodies, and at 
distinct times,^ were the troops of Robert, Duke of 
Normandy, and Stephen, Count of Blois ; with those 
of Robert, Count of Flanders, hi another division.* 

The count of Vermandois, impetuous and proud, 
took his departure before his companions, traversed 
Italy, and embarking at Bam, landed with but a 
scanty train at Durazzo. His expectations were 
high, and his language haughty, supposing he should 
find in the Greek emperor the same humbled suppli- 
cant who had craved, in abject terms, assistance 
against the infidels from his Christian brethren of 
the west. But the position of the emperor had now 
changed. The Turks, occupied with other interests, 
no longer menaced his frontier. The imperial city 

1 Guibert. 2Fulcher; Guibert; Will. Tyr. ; Albert. 

S I have taken perhaps more jiains than was necessary to investigate 
this part of the crusaders' proceedings, which I found nearly as much 
CGI. fused in the writings of Mills as in those of tlie contemporary au- 
thors. Some assert that the whole mass of the western crusaders pro- 
ceeded in one body through Italy; but finding that Fulcher, who accom- 
panied Rol)ert of Normandy and Stephen of Blois, never mentions Hugh 
of Vermandois; that Guibert speaks of that jirince's departure first; 
that the Arclibishop of Tyre marks the divisions distinctly, and that he 
certainly embarked at a difTerent port in Italy from the rest, I have been 
led to conclude, that though probably looking up to Hugh as the brother 
ol iheir sovereign, the three great leaders proceeded separately on their 
niarch. Kobertus Monachus is evidently mistaken altogether, as he joins 
tjie Count of Toulouse with the army of Hugh, when we know from 
Raimnnd d'Agiles that that noblenmn conducted his troops ihrougU 
Sclavonia. 



94 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 

slept in peace and splendour ; and if he had any 
thing to fear, it was from his own restless and turbu- 
lent subjects rather than from his Saracen foes. Nor, 
in fact, had he ever been desirous of any thing like 
the expedition that was entering his dominions. 
He had prayed for aid and assistance to defend his 
country, but Urban had preached a crusade, and the 
princes were now in arms to reconquer the Chris- 
tian territories in Asia, as well as to protect those of 
Europe. He had gladly heard of the crusade, and 
willingly consented to it, it is true, as he well knew 
it would afford a mighty diversion in his favour, but 
he then dreamed not of the armed millions that were 
now swarming towards his capital. His position, 
too, had changed, as I have said, and he immediately 
determined upon a line of policy well suited to the 
weak subtlety of his character. 

Alexius was one of those men whose minds are 
not of sufficient scope to view life as a whole, and 
who therefore have not one great object in their 
deeds ; who act for the petty interests of the moment, 
and whose cunning, compared with the talents of a 
really great mind, is like the skill of a fencing-master 
compared with the genius of a great general. He 
saw not, and felt not, the vast ultimate benefit which 
he might receive from maintaining a dignified friend- 
sliip with the princes commanding the crusade. He 
did not perceive what an immense and powerful en- 
gine was placed, if he chose it, at his disposition.— 
In his narrow selfishness, he only beheld a temporary 
danger from the great forces that were approaching, 
and he strove to diminish them by every base and 
petty artifice. He did not endeavour to make him- 
self great by their means, but he tried to bring them 
down to his own littleness. It is true, that on some 
occasions he showed feelings of liberality and human- 
ity ; but from his general conduct it is but fair to in- 
fer that these were the inconsistencies of selfishness ; 
and tliat though he was sometimes prudent enough 



HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 95 

to be liberal, he was not wise enough to be uniformly 
generous. 

On the arrival of Hugh at Durazzo, he wr.s at first 
received with respect, and entertained with honour 
and profusion ; and thus finding himself at ea:se, he 
was induced to remain for a time in confident se- 
curity. Suddenly, however, v/ithout a pretence for 
such violence, he was arrested, together with his 
train, and sent to Constantinople, some authors say, 
m chains.^ 

Nevertheless, it is not probable that Alexius dared 
to carry his inhospitality so far ; and one of the his- 
torians2 of the day particularly marks, that the pri- 
soner was treated with every testimony of respect. 
Guibert also ventures a supposition respecting the 
motives of Alexius, far superior to the general steril 
course of ancient chronicles. He imagines — and I 
wonder that the idea has not been adopted by any 
one — that the object of the Greek emperor, in con- 
fining Hugh, was to obtain from him, before the 
other princes should arrive, that act of homage 
which he intended to exact from all. The brother 
of the king of France himself having taken the oath, 
would be so strong a precedent, that it is more than 
probable, Alexins^ fancied the rest of the crusaders 
would easily agree to do that which their superior 
in rank had done previous to their arrival. 

At Philippopoli'* the news of Hugh's imprison- 
ment reached the aimy of Godfrey de Bouillon, and 
with the prompt but prudent firmness of that great 
leader's character, he instantly sent messengers to 
Alexius, demanding the immediate liberation of the 
Count of Vermandois and his companions, accom- 
panying the message with a threat of hostilities, if 
the demand were not conceded. 

Godfrey then marched on to Adrianople,^ where 

1 Albert of Aix , William of Tyre. 2 Guibert. 3 ibid. lib. ii. 
4 Will. Tyr. lib. ii. 5 Albert of Aix ; William of Tyr* 



96 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 

he was met by his deputies, bringing the refusal of 
the emperor to comply with his request : in conse- 
quence of which the country was instantly given up 
to pillage ; and so signal were the effects of this? 
sort of vengeance, that Alexius speedily found him- 
self forced to put his prisoners at liberty. The mo- 
ment that a promise to this effect was received, 
Godfrey recalled his forces ; and with wonderful dis- 
cipline and subordination, they instantly abandoned 
the ravages tliey were before licensed to commit, 
and marched on peacefully towards Constantinople, 
Had the armies of the Cross continued to show such 
obedience and moderation, Palestine would now 
have been Christian. 

In the neighbourhood of the imperial city Godfrey 
pitched his tents, and the iimumerable' multitude of 
his steel-clad warriors struck terror into the heart 
of the fearful monarch of the east.^ To the Count 
of Vermandois, however, it was a sight of joy ; and 
issuing forth from Constantinople with his friends 
and followers, he galloped forward to the immense 
camp of the crusaders, where, casting himself into- 
the arms of Godfrey,^ he gave himself up to such 
transports of delight and gratitude, that the bystand- 
ers were moved to tears. 

The emperor now turned the whole force of his 
artful mind to wring from Godfrey an act of homage, 
and for several weeks he continued, by every sort of 
fluctuating baseness, to disturb his repose, and to 
irritate his followers. At one time, he was all pro- 
fessions of kindness and liberality ; at another, he 
breathed nothing but warfare and opposition. Some- 
times the markets were shut to the crusaders, some- 
times the private stores of the emperor himself were 
opened. 

1 Albert of Aix 2 GuilJert. 

3 Albert of Aix ; Robertus Monachus ; Will. Tyr. 



HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 97 

A.t length, after having twice defeated the bands 
of plunderers sent by Alexius to attack him,' God- 
frey gave way to his wrath, and for six days suc- 
cessively ravaged the country round Constantinople 
with fire and sword. Alexius on this again changed 
his conduct, and with every profession of regard de- 
manded an interview with the chief of the crusaders, 
offering his son as a hostage for his good faith 
With this safeguard Godfrey, followed by several 
other noble knights, entered Constantinople, and 
proceeded to the imperial palace, clothed in his 
robes of peace,- and bearing purple and ermine and 
gold, instead of the iron panoply of war.^ 

The great leader was received by the emperor 
with the highest distinction, w^as honoured with the 
kiss of peace, and underwent that curious ceremony 
of an adoption of honour (as it was then called) as 
son to the emperor.^ He was clothed with imperial 

1 Will.TjT. ; Rob. Mon. ; Guibert ; Albert. Aqiiens. 2 Albert of Aix. 

3 Mills, in speaking of this interview, does not distinguish between 
the coat-of-arms and the mantle or pallium. They were, however, very 
different, and never, that 1 know of, worn together. The coat-of-arms 
was usually extremely small ; and the form may be gathered from the 
anecdote of an ancient baron, who, not readily finding his coat-of-arms, 
seized the cloth of a banner, made a slit in the centre with his sword, 
and passing his head through the aperture, thus went to battle. These 
customs however often changed, and we find many instances of the 
coat-of-arms being worn long. The mantle was the garb of peace, and 
was even more richly decorated than the coat-of-arms. Another peace- 
ful habiliment was the common surcoat, which differed totally from the 
tunic worn over the armour, having large sleeves and cuffs, as we find 
from the notes upon Joinville. The size of this garment may be very 
nearly ascertained from the same account, which mentions 736 ermines 
having been used in one surcoat worn by the king of France. See 
Joinville by Ducange. 

For the use of the pallium, or mantle, see St. Palaye— notes on the 
Fourth Part. 

4 I have not chosen to represent this interview in the colours with 
which Mills has painted it. The princess Anna, from whom he took his 
view of the subject, can in no degree be depended upon. Her object 
was to represent her father as a dignified monarch, receiving with cold 
pomp a train of barbarous warriors ; but the truth was, that Alexius 
was in no slight measure terrified at Godfrey and his host, and sought 
by every means to cajole him into compliance with his wishes. Almost 
every other historian declares that the crusaders were received with the 
utmost condescension and courtesy. Robert of Paris, one of Godfrey's 

I 



98 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 

robes,' and the monarch, calling- him his son, nomi-, 
iially placed his empire at Godfrey's disposal. In | 
return for the distinctions he had received — and pro- 1 
bably pressed by Hugh, Count of Vermandois, who I 
loved not to stand alone, in having yielded homage to 
Alexius — Godfrey consented to give the emperor his- 
hand, according to the feudal forms of France, and 
to declare himself his liegeman. 

His fears dissipated by this concession, and his j 
hopes of winning the princes who were to follow, 
by so illustrious an example, raised to the highest i 
pitch, Alexius loaded Godfrey and his followers with ; 
magnificent presents, and suffered them to depart, j 
Peace was now permitted to remain unbroken; and 
after having refreshed themselves for some days, 
the army of the crusaders passed the Hellespont, | 
<ind encamped at Chalcedon,^ to wait the arrival of 
their brethren. 

It is more than probable that Godfrey was induced 
to quit the original place of rendezvous by the soli- ' 
citations of Alexius, who took care, it has been since | 
observed, to guard his capital from the presence of 
any two of the crusading hosts at one time. 

Boemond, prince of Tarentum, and son of the fa- ' 
mous Guiscard, had quitted Italy shortly after the 
departure of Godfrey from Loraine. A^arious tales 
are told of the manner in which he first declared his 
purpose of joining the crusade. Some have asserted, 
that on hearing of the expedition, while engaged in 
the siege of Amalfi, he dashed his armour to pieces 
with his battle-axe,' and caused it to be formed into 
small crosses, which he distributed among his sol- 
diery. Others reduce the anecdote to a less chival- 
rous but perhaps more civilized degree of energy, 

noble followers, did indeed seat himself on the throne of Alexius, and 
replied to Baldwin's remonstrance by a braggart boast, for which the ] 
emperor only reproved him by a contemptuous sneer. This, however, 
would, if any thing, prove that the pride and haughtiness was on th» 
part of the crusaders rather than on that of the imperial court. 
1 Albert of Aix ; William of Tyre, 2 Albert of Aix. 3 Vertot 



HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 99 

and state, that he caused his mantle to be cut into 
crosses for his troops.' 

As many relate the tale, it is likely to have had 
some foundation ; and there is no doubt that Boe- 
mond abandoned all his vast possessions in Italy, 
with the reserve only of Tarentum, and devoted 
himself to the wars of the Cross. His presence 
might have proved more generally advantageous to 
the cause, had he not, by this enthusiastic renuncia- 
tion, given himself other motives in the warfare be- 
fore him, besides those of religion and humanity. 
He had naturally in his veins quite sufficient of the 
blood of Guiscard to require no additional stimulus 
to the desire of conquering for himself. He was 
nevertheless one of the best soldiers of the Cross, so 
far as military skill availed — bold, powerful, keen, 
and active ; and possessing that sort of shrewd and 
even wily art, which, joined with his other qualities, 
formed an enterprising and successful leader, more 
perhaps than a distinguished knight. 

With him, however, came the noblest of all the 
Christian Chivalry, Tancred — whose valour, genero- 
sity, enthusiasm, and courtesy have been the theme 
of so many a song — of whom Tasso, in seeking to 
describe him in the highest language of poetry, could 
gay nothing more than truth, 

Vien poi Taiicredi, e non ^ alcun fra tanti 
Traiine Rinaldo — O feritor maggiore, 
O piii bel di maniere e di sembianti 
O piii eccelso ed entrepido di core. 2 

Few characters can be conceived more opposed 
to each other than those of the relations,'' Tancred 
and Boemond ; and yet we find Tancred willingly 
serving in the army of the Prince of Tarentum, as 

1 Robert the Monk. 2 Gerusalemme, cant. i. 

•* What the relationship exactly was I have not been able to discover. 
Mills does not satisfy me that the mother of Tancred was the sister of 
Robert Guiscard. The expressions of Ralph of Caen on the subject 
appear to be obscure. 



loo HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 

second to that chief. The same unambitious mo- 
desty is to be discovered throughout the whole his- 
tory of the young knight ; and though we ever be- 
hold him opposed to meannesses, by whomsoever 
they may be adopted, we still see him willing to 
take upon himself the danger and labour of an infe- 
rior station. 

Under the banners of these chiefs marched a host 
of Italian and Norman nobles ; the army, it is said, 
amounting to ten thousand horse,' and an immense 
multitude of foot, in which view of the forces we 
must lemember that only men of noble birth were 
usually admitted to fight on horseback.^ These 
troops were even increased as they marched to the 
seacoast of Apulia; and the great body of those 
Normans who, not a century before, had taken com- 
plete possession of the country, now left it for the 
Holy Land. 

Mills,'' following his particular theory, supposes 
Urban the pope to smile with triumphant self-gratu- 
lation on seeing the army of Boemond depart; but 
it seems strange, that the prelate sliould rejoice in 
the absence of the very men by whom he had been 
always protected, while his enemies remained, and 
were even in possession of the old church of St. 
Peter* at Rome, as we learn by a contemporary cru- 
sader. 

The forces of Boemond and Tancred landed at 
Durazzo, and made their wa)^ with much more regu- 
larity than could have been expected, through Epi- 
rus.^ They were harassed, however, on tlieir march 
by various skirmishes with the Greek troops, who 
did every thing in their power to destroy the crusad- 
ing army, although Alexius^ had sent messengers to 
Boemond himself congratulating him on his arrival, 
and promising every kind of assistance. These 
attacks, nevertheless, only amounted to a petty degree 

1 Albert of Aix. 2 St. Palaye. 3 Mills, cliap. 3 

4 Fulcher. 6 Raoul de Caen. 6 William of Tyre 



HISTORl OF CHIVALRY. 101 

of annoyance, till the host of the Cross came to the 
passage of the Axius. Here, a part of the forces 
having traversed the river with almost the whole of 
the cavalry, the rear of the army was suddenly at- 
tacked by an infinitely superior body of Greeks.^ 

Tancred, already on the other side, lost not a mo- 
ment, but, spurring his horse into the water, followed 
by about two thousand knights, he charged the 
Greeks so vigorously as to drive them back with 
considerable loss in killed and prisoners. When 
brought before Boemond, the captives justified them- 
selves by avouching the commands of the emperor, 
and Tancred would fain have pursued and extermi- 
nated the forces of the perfidious Greek. Boemond, 
however, more prudently forbore, and, without retalia- 
tion of any kind, advanced to Adrianople. 

I see no reason to qualify this moderation as sub- 
tilty, which Mills has not scrupled to do. Boemond 
was artful beyond all doubt, but this was not a fair 
instance of any thing but wisdom and self-command. 
At Adrianople, well knowing the character of Alex- 
ius, to whom he had frequently been opposed, and 
foreseeing that his troops might be irritated by va- 
rious acts of annoyance,^ Boemond drew up his 
army, and, in a calm and temperate speech, repre- 
sented to them that they had taken up arms in the 
cause of Christ, and therefore that it was their duty 
to refrain from all acts of hostility towards their 
fellow-christians. 

Shortly after this, the Prince of Tarentum was 
met by deputies from the emperor, inviting him to 
come on with all speed to Constantinople, leaving 
his army behind, under the command of Tancred. 
Boemond at first refused to trust himself in the power 
of his ancient enemy,' but Godfrey of Bouillon 

» Raoul de Caen ; William of Tyre ; Albert of Aix; Guibert. 

2 Orderic. Vital, lib. ix. 

3 Boemond liad inherited all his father's hatred to the Greek sovereigns, 
and had waged many a bloody ai^ successful war against Alexius himself 

12 



102 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 

having- visited him in person, and guarantied his se- 
curity, the Itahan chief agreed to the arrangement 
proposed, and accompanied the Duke of Loraine to 
the imperial palace. Gold and dominion were al- 
ways motives of great force with the mind of Boe- 
mond, and Alexius did not spare such temptations, 
either present or to come, for the purpose of inducing 
the Prince of Tarentum to do homage to the eastern 
empire. His promises were limitless, and the actual 
presents' which he heaped upon the Normo-Italian 
immense. He also granted him, it is said, a territory 
in Romania, consisting, in length, of as much ground 
as a horse could travel in fifteen days ; and, in 
breadth,^ of as much as could be traversed in eight; 
besides which, he loaded him with jewels and gold, 
and rich vestments, till Boemond, from one of his 
most inveterate enemies, became one of his firmest 
allies. This, indeed, proceeded from no confidence 
or friendship on either side. Boemond still felt how 
little Alexius could forgive the injuries he had in 
former days inflicted, and dared not trust himself 
to eat of the meat set before him at the emperor's 
table. 

Alexius, with all the penetration of his race, evi- 
dently dived into the Norman's thoughts, and saw that 
he aspired even to the imperial crown itself.^ No re- 
liance, therefore, existed between them ; but, on the 
one hand, Boemond, for considerations of interest, 
forgot his dignity, and did homage to the emperor, 
while Alexius, on his part, agreed that the homage 
should be void, if the promises he made were not 
exactly fulfilled.'' 

The news of his relation's humiliation soon reached 
Tancred, who was leading on their united forces 
towards Constantinople ; and though unquestionably, 
the lamentation attributed to him by his biographei*^ 



1 Will. Tyr. ; Albert. Aqucns. 2 Raoiil de Caen ; Guihert 

3 Alexiad par Ducange. 4 Guibert, lib. iii. 5 Eadulpli. Cad. cap. 11. 



HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 103 

is somewhat more poetical than real, little doubt can 
be entertained that the gallant prince was painfully 
struck by Boemond's disgraceful concessions. Hugh 
of Vermandois had done homage to obtain his liberty ; 
Godfrey of Bouillon, to restore peace and unanimity 
between the Christian emperor and the crusaders ; 
Boemond sold his homage, with no palliating cir- 
cumstance. 

The determination of Tancred seems to have been 
taken almost immediately on hearing this news, and 
marching upon Constantinople as if it were his inten- 
tion to follow exactly the course of his relation, he 
suddenly crossed the Hellespont' without giving 
notice to any one, and joined the army of Godfrey 
at Chalcedon.^ 

This conduct greatly irritated Alexius, and he 
made several efforts to bring Tancred back without 
success; but the arrival of Raimond de St. Gilles, 
Count of Toulouse, with the immense army of the 
Languedocian crusaders, soon called the attention of 
the emperor in another direction. The Count of 
Toulouse has been very variously represented, and 
no doubt can exist that he was a bold and skilful 
leader, a courageous and resolute man. He was, it 
is said, intolerant and tenacious of reverence, fond of 
pomp and display, and withal revengeful, though his 
revenge was always of a bold and open character. Not 
so his avarice, which led him to commit as many 
pitiful meannesses as ever sprang from that basest 
of desires. He was proud, too, beyond all question ; 
but where his covetousness did not overbalance the 

1 Radulph. Cadom. cap. 12. 

2 Albertus Aiiuensis says that Tancred took with him the whole 
army. William of Tyre follows the same opinion, as well as Guibert. 
Orderic Vital declares that when the troops were passing, Tancred 
dicased himself as a common soldier, and passed among the crowd ; but 
Radulphus Cadomensis (or Raoul of Caen, as the French translate 
his name), who was his companion and friend in after-years, makes no 
mention of his havin;^ taken with him any part of the forces he com- 
manded, merely statmg, that in his ea^'crness to pass before he was dis- 
covered, he aided to row the boat himself 



104 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 

Other great principle of his nature, he maintained, 
in his general conduct, that line oi" moral firmness 
which dignifies pride, and raises it almost to a virtue. 

Under the banners of the Count of Toulouse 
marched the gay Chivalry of all the south of 
France — Gascons, and Provencals, and Auvergnats — 
people, in whose hearts tlie memory of Saracen in- 
vasions from Spain was still fresh ; and whose quick 
and passionate dispositions had at once embraced 
with enthusiasm the holy war. A glorious train of 
lords and knights followed their noble chief, and the 
legate of the pope, as well as several other bishops, 
gave religious dignity to this body of the crusaders. 

The count directed his course by Sclavonia to- 
wards Greece, notwithstanding that the season was 
unfavourable, as he set out in winter.' During the 
journey he displayed, in the highest degree, every 
quality of a great commander. Innumerable diffi- 
culties, on which we cannot pause, assailed him even 
during the first part of his march through the barren 
and inhospitable passes which lay between his own 
fair land and Greece. When he had reached the do- 
minions of Alexius, whose call for aid he had not 
forgotten, the count imagined, to use the words of 
his chaplain, that he was in his native land, so much 
did he rely upon the welcome and protection of the 
Greek emperor. But he, like the chiefs who had 
preceded him, was deceived, and the same series of 
harassing persecutions awaited him on the way. An 
act of seasonable^ but barbarous vengeance, how- 
ever, in mutilating and disfiguring several of the pri- 
soners, so much friglitened the savage hordes which 
the emperor had cast upon his track, that the rest of 
the journey passed in comparative tranquillity. Like 
those who had gone before, the count was permitted 
to enter the imperial city with but few attendants. 

Here the same proposal of rendering homage was 

i Rainiond d'Agi.les, ^ Ibid. 



HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 105 

made to Raimond which had been addressed to the 
other leaders of the crusade, but he rejected it at 
once with dignified indignation, and maintained his 
resolution with unalterable firmness. i The means 
which had been tried with Godfrey of Bouillon were 
now employed against the Count of Toulouse ; and 
as no very strong body of crusaders was soon ex- 
pected from Europe, the emperor seems confidently 
to have anticipated the destruction of the Langue- 
docian force. The Bosphorus lay between it and the 
armies of Godfrey, of Hugh, of Boemond, and of 
Robert of Flanders,^ whose arrival we have not 
thought it necessary to dwell upon, as it was accom- 
panied by no circumstance of interest. Alexius had 
taken especial care, that no vessels should remain on 
the other side of the Straits, which would facilitate 
the return of ihe crusaders even if they should wish 
it,^ and Boemond was devoted to his cause from mo- 
tives of interest. 

Under these circumstances Alexius did not scruple 
to order a night attack to be made upon the camp of 
the French knights. At first it proved successful, 
and many fell under the treacherous sword of the 
Greeks. At length, however, the Languedocians re- 
covered from their surprise, repulsed the enemy with 
great loss, and for some time gave full way to their 
indignation. Raimond even resolved to declare war 
against the emperor, but abandoned his intention on 
finding that the other princes would not succour him, 
and that Boemond threatened to join his arms to 
those of Alexius. Thus upheld, the emperor still 
continued to insist on the homage of the count ; but 
Raimond declared that he would sooner lay down his 
head upon the block than yield to such an indignity.* 
*' He had come,"^ he said, " to fight for one Lord, 
which was Christ, and for him he had abandoned 

1 Raimond d'Agiles ; Will. Tyr. ; Guibert. 

2 Guibert ; Albert of Aix. 3 Will. Tyr. 

* Guibert. a Raimond d'Agiles 



106 HISTORY OF CHIVALRV. 

country, and goods, and lands, but no other lord 
would he acknowledge ; though, if the emperor 
would, in person, lead the host towards Constanti- 
nople, lie would willingly put himself and his troops 
under his august command." 

All that could ultimately be obtained from him, 
even at the intercession of his companions in arms, 
was a vow that he would neither directly nor indi- 
rectly do any act which could militate against the 
life or honour of the emperor.^ 

This concession, however, seemed to satisfy 
Alexius, upon whose weakness the ambitious spirit 
of Boemond was pressing somewhat too hard. The 
power of Raimond of Toulouse, the monarch saw, 
might be used as a good counterpoise to the authority 
which the Prince of Tarentum was inclined to 
assume ; and in consequence, Alexius soon completely 
changed his conduct, and loaded the count with dis- 
tinctions and courtesy. The pleasures of the impe- 
rial palace, the rivalry which the artful emperor con- 
trived to raise up between him and Boemond, and 
the false but polished society of the Greek court, 
excited and pleased the Count of Toulouse, who 
remained some time in the midst of pomp and enjoy- 
ment. 

His character, also, though it had much of the 
steady firmness of the north, had, in common with 
that of his countr^^men in general, a sparkling and 
vivacious urbanity, a splendid yet easy grace, which 
suited the taste of the Greeks much more than the 
simple manners of the northern crusaders. Indeed, 
to judge from the terms in which she speaks of 
him, his handsome person and elegant deportment 
seem to have made no small impression on the ima- 
gination of the princess Anna,^ although Raimond 
had already passed the middle age. 

Boemond, however, had by this time departed, and 

1 Guibert; Raimond; Will Tyr. 2 Alexiad. 



HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 107 

had marched from Chalcedon with Godfrey and the 
rest of the crusading- host' towards Nice, the capital 
of the Turkish kingdom of Roiim.^ His honour de- 
manded the presence of the Count of Toulouse, and 
abandoning the pleasures of Constantinople, he super- 
intended the embarkation of his troops, and hastened 
to join the rest of his companions in arms. 

Scarcely had the forces of the count quitted Con- 
stantinople, when another army appeared under the 
walls of that city. Its principal leader was Robert, 
Duke of Normandy — a man, debauched, weak, and 
unstable ; endowed with sufficient talents to have 
dignified his illustrious station, had he possessed that 
rare quality of mind which may be called conduct. 
He was eloquent in speech, brave in the field, skilful 
in warlike dispositions, and personally humane, even 
to excess f but at the same time he was versatile as 
the winds, and so easily persuaded, that the common 
expression, he had no will of his own, was, perhaps^ 
more applicable to him than to any other man tha'» 
ever existed. 

On the first preaching of the crusade, he had caugh 
the flame of enthusiasm with others, and perhaps 
not more than those around him ; for we must not 
take the immediate sale of his dutchy of Normandy 
to William Rufus as a proof of his zeal. It was, in 
fact, but a proof of that wretched facility which ulti- 
mately brought about his ruin. The price he ob- 
tained,"* was only ten thousand marks of silver, but 
with so petty a sum this modern Esau thought he 
could conquer worlds. With him was Stephen, 
Count of Blois, more famous in the council than the 



1 Raimond d'Agiles; Albert of Aix. 

2 Raimond d'Agiles expressly states that the army of the Count of 
Toulouse, which he accompanied to the Holy Land, did not join the 
oilier crusaders till they were under the walls of Nice. Mills is therer 
fore wrong in writing that the Provencals joined the other soldiers of 
the Cross before their arrival at Nice, and then let them march on agaia 
before them. 

3 Guibert iib. ii. ■» Orderic Vital. 



108 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 

field,* while all the Norman and English crusaders of 
rank, together with Eustace, brother of Godfrey of 
Bouillon,^ joined themselves to his forces. 

Thus, followed by a numerous and well-equipped 
army, Robert took the way of Italy, and having en- 
countered the pope at Lucca, proceeded to Apulia, 
where he remained to pass the winter. Here, how- 
ever,^ many deserted his army, and returned to their 
native land, and several were drowned, subsequently, 
in their passage to Durazzo ; but, on the whole, the 
march of Robert of Normandy was more easy and 
less disastrous than that of any other chief of the 
crusaders. 

We find no mention of any attack or annoyance 
on the part of Alexius ; and, on the arrival of the 
Norman host at Constantinople, the oath of homage 
seems to have been presented and received, with a 
sort of quiet indifference well according with the 
indolent and careless character of the Duke."* Alex- 
ius simply informed the leaders, that Godfrey, Boe- 
mond, Hugh, and the rest had undergone the cere- 
mony proposed. " We are not greater than they,"^ 
replied Robert, and the vows were taken without 
hesitation. 

Loaded with presents, and supplied with money 
and provisions, of both which Robert stood in great 
want, the Norman crusaders now passed the Helles- 
pont, and marched towards Nice to join their com- 
panions. The timid Alexius thus found himself 
delivered from the last body of these terrific allies ; 
and, indeed, the description given of their arrival, in 
rapid succession, before Constantinople, is not at all 
milike the end of Camaralzaman's history in the 
Arabian Nights, where no sooner is one army dis- 
posed of, than another is seen advancing towards the 
eity from a different quarter of the globe. 

1 Guibert. 2 William of Tyre ; Albert of Aix. 3 Fulcher. 
4 Albert of Aix ; Fulcher. 5 Will. Tyr. 



HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 109 



CHAPTER VI. 

Germ of After-misfortunes already springing up in the Crusade— Siege 
of Nice — First Engagement vnth the Turks — Siege continued — The 
Lake occ7ipied — Surrender of Nice to the Emissaries of Alexius — Dis- 
content—March towards Antioch — The Army divides into two Bodies 
— Battle of Doryloeum — Dreadful March through Phrygia — Adven- 
tures of Baldwin and Tancred — Arrival at Antioch — The City in- 
vested. 

One of the most unfortunate events which occurred 
to the crusaders in their march was their stay at 
Constantinople, for it was the remote but certain 
cause of many other evils. The jealousies and dif- 
ferences raised up anions' them by the intriguing 
spirit of Alexius were never entirely done away; 
and besides this, the intervention of petty motives, 
long discussions, and schemes of individual aggran- 
dizement chilled the fervour of zeal, and thus 
weighed down the most energetic spring of the 
enterprise. 

Enthusiasm will conquer difficulties, confront dan- 
ger and death, and change the very nature of the 
circumstances in which it is placed, to encourage- 
ment and hope ; but it will not bear to be mingled 
with less elevated feelings and considerations. The 
common ambitions and passions of life, cold reason- 
ings, and thoughtful debates, deaden it and put it 
out ; and amid the intrigues of interest, or the spe- 
culations of selfishness, it is extinguished like aflame 
in the foul air of a vault. A great deal of the en- 
thusiasm of the crusade died away amid the bicker- 
ings of Constantinople ; and even the cowardly 
effeminacy of the Greeks proved in some degree 
contagious, foi' the army of the Count of Toulouse, 
we find, had at one time nearly disbanded itself. 
The luxury of the most luxurious court of Europe, 
K 



110 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY'. 

too, was not without its effect upon the crusaders, 
and the memory of the delights of the imperial city 
was more likely to afford suhjects of disadvantageous 
comparisons, when oyjposed to the hardships of Pa- 
lestine, than the remembrance of the turbulent and 
governless realm from which they had first begun 
their march. 

The greatest misfortune of all, however — the 
cause of many of their vices, and almost all their 
miseries, — was the want of one acknowledged leader, 
whom it would have been treason to disobey. Each 
chief was his own king, but he was not the king of* 
even those who served under him. Many who had 
followed his banner to the field were nearly his equals 
in power, and it was only over his immediate vassals 
that he had any but conditional right of command. 
In respect to his vassals themselves, this right was 
much affected by circumstances ; and over the 
chiefs around him, he had no control whatever. 
Thus, unity of design was never to be obtained ; and 
discord, the fatal stumblingblock of all great under- 
takings, was always ready in the way, whenever the 
folly, the passions, or the selfishness of any indivi- 
dual leader chose to dash upon it the hopes of him- 
self and his companions. 

Nevertheless, during the siege of Nice, which was 
the first undertaking of the crusaders, a considerable 
degree of harmony seems to have prevailed among 
the leaders. Each, it is true, conducted his part of 
the attack according to his own principles, but each 
seemed happy to assist the other, and we hear of no 
wrangling for idle punctilios. The morals, too, of 
the troops were hitherto pure, reaching a much higher 
point of virtue, indeed, than might have been antici- 
pated from the great mixture of classes. I do not 
mean to say that they were free from vice, or were 
exempt from the follies of their nature or their age ; 
but the noble and dignified manner in which the 
chiefs of the crusade, and the people in general, boro 



tllSTORY OF CHIVALRY. Ill 

the conduct of Alexius (mentioned hereafter), would 
lead me to believe that they had preserved a consi- 
derable share of purity and singleness of heart. 

The first body of the crusaders which reached tlie 
city of Nice was that led by Godfrey of Bouillon. He 
was not alone, however, being accompanied by Hugh, 
Count of Vermandois; and very shortly after, the 
troops of Robert of Flanders and Boemond of Taren- 
tum arrived, and took up their position on the north- 
ern side, while those of Godfrey had marked their 
camp towards the east. The Count of Toulouse and 
the Bishop of Puy followed, and sat down before the 
southern side,^ leaving the west open for the Duke of 
Normandy, who was expected from day to day.^ 

This city, the capital of the kingdom of Roum, was 
occupied by the Seljukian Turks, and strongly de- 
fended by a solid wall, flanked by three hundred and 
fifty towers. It was situated in the midst of a fertile 
plain, and the waters of the lake Ascanius, to the 
west, gave it a facility of communication with a 
large extent of country. The army of the crusaders, 
after the arrival of the Count of Toulouse,^ waited 
not the coming of Robert of Normandy, but began 
the siege in form. Their forces were already im- 
mense ; and after the junction of Peter the Hermit 
with the ruins of his multitude, and the Duke of 
Normandy with his powerful army, the amount of 
the fighting men is said to have been six hundred 
thousand, without comprising those who did not 



1 Raimond d'Agiles ; Guibert, 

2 All authors, those who were present as well as those who wrote 
from the accounts of others, differ entirely among themselves concenim;^ 
the dispositions of the siege. Fulcher, who accompanied the Duke of 
Normandy, says that that chief attacked the south ; Raimond of Agiles, 
who was present also, says that the south was the post of the Count of 
Toulouse. - 1 have, however, adopted the account of Raimond, who 
appears to me to have paid more attention to the operations of the war 
than Fulcher. 3 Fn!clier. 4 Ibid. 

6 The word used is loricnti; and Ducange, who seldom makes a posi- 
iive assertion without the most Derfeci certainty, states, lu the observa- 



112 HISTORY OF CHIVALRy, 

have readied nearly two hundred thousand, which 
left a fair proportion of inferior soldiers. 

The general disposition of the troops had been 
made before the arrival of the Count of Toulouse, 
and he marched his division towards the spot as- 
signed him on the Sunday after Ascension-day.* 
His coming, however, was destined to be signalized 
by the first regular battle between the Turks and 
their Christian invaders. 

Soliman, or Kilidge Asian, the sultaun of Roum, 
on the approach of the crusaders, had left his capitaP 
defended by a strong garrison, and travelling through 
his dominions, hastened in every direction the levies 
of his subjects. He soon collected a considerable 
body of horse,^ and leading them to the mountains 
which overlooked the plain of Nice, he sent down 
two messengers to the city to concert with the go- 
vernor a double attack upon the camp of the Chris- 
tians. 

The messengers fell into the hands of the outposts 
of Godfrey. One was killed on the spot, and the 
other, under the fear of death, betrayed the secrets 
of the sultaun, giving at the same time an exagge- 
rated account of his forces.'* Information of Soli- 
man's approach was instantly sent to Raimond of 
Toulouse, who was advancing from Nicomedia,^ and 
by a night-march he succeeded in joining the army 
of the Cross in time. Scarcely had he taken up his 
position, when the Moslems began to descend from 
the mountains, clad hke the Christians in steel,^ and 
borne by horses fleet as the wind. Divided into two 
bodies,' the one attacked the wearied troops of the 

tions on Joinville, tliat we may always translate the word loricalus, a 
knight, " et quand on voit dans les auteurs Latins le terme de loricati il 
se doit entendre des Chevaliers." — JXicange, Observ. sur I' Hist, de St 
Louis, page 50 

1 Guibert 2 Albert of Aix, lib. ii. 3 Albert. 

4 Ibid. 5 Albert; Raimond d'Agiles; Guibert 

6 Albert. 7 Raimond. 



HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 113 

Count of Toulouse, seeking to force its way into the 
city, while the other fell upon the quarters of God- 
frey of Bouillon. 

Doubtless Soliman thought to meet, in the im- 
mense multitude before him, a wildandundiseiphned 
crowd, like that of Peter the Hermit ; but he soon 
found bitterly his mistake. The crusaders received 
him every where with chivalric valour, repulsed him 
on all points, became in turn the assailants, and the 
plain round Nice grew one general scene of con- 
flict. The charging of the cavalry, the ringing of 
the lances and the swords upon shields and corslets, 
the battle-cries of the Christians, and the techbir of 
the Turks ; the shouts, the screams, the groans, rose 
up, we are told, in a roar horrible to hear.' 

At length, finding that the sally he had expected 
was not made, Soliman retreated to the mountains; 
but it was only to repeat the attempt the following 
day.^ In this, although the besieged now compre- 
hended his intention, and issued forth upon the 
Christians on the one side, while he attacked them 
on the other, he was not more fortunate than before. 
He was again repelled with great loss, owning his 
astonishment at the lion-like courage of the Christian 
leaders, who with a thousand lances would often 
charge and put to flight twenty times the number of 
Turkish horsemen. 

According to a barbarous custom prevalent at that 
time, and which even descended to a much later pe- 
riod, the crusaders hewed off the heads of the fallen 
Moslems,^ and cast many of them into the city. 
Others were sent to Constantinople in token of vic- 
tory ; and Alexius, as a sign of gratitude and rejoic- 
ing, instantly despatched large presents to the prin- 
cipal chiefs of the crusade, with great quantities of 
provisions for the army, which had long been strait- 
<3ned to a fearful degree. 



> Albert. 2 Guiltert. 3 Guibert; Albert of Aix. 



114 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 

After the defeat of Soliman,' the sieg-e was pressed 
with renewed vigour; and battering-rams, catapults, 
and mangonels were plied incessantly against the 
walls, while moveable towers of wood, called beff- 
roys, filled with armed men, were rolled close to the 
fortifications, for the purpose of carrying on the fight 
hand to hand with the enemy, and of eiideavouring 
to effect a lodgment on the battlements. 

In the meanwhile, the plains round Nice offered a 
spectacle of the most extraordinary brilliancy. The 
glittering arms of the knights, their painted shields, 
and fluttering pennons — the embroidered banners of 
the barons, their splendid coats-of-arras and magni- 
ficent mantles — the gorgeous robes of the Latin 
priests, who ^/ere present in immense numbers, and 
the animated multitude of bowmen and foot-soldiers, 
mingled with thousands of that most beautiful of 
beasts, the horse, all spread out in the unclouded 
brightness of an Asiatic sky, formed as shining and 
extraordinary a scene as the eye could look upon. 

Not frightened, however, by the terrific splendour 
that surrounded them, the Turks continued to defend 
their battlements with persevering valour. Every 
attack of the Christians was met with dauntless in- 
trepidity, and every laboured attempt to sap the wall, 
or its towers, was frustrated with unwearied assi- 
duity. Those who approached near were either 
slain by poisoned arrows,^ or crushed under im- 
mense stones ; and the moment any one was killed 
at the foot of the wall,^ " it was horrible to see the 
Turks," says an eyewitness, " seize upon the body 
with iron hooks let down from above, and lifting it 
up through the air strip it completely, and then cast 
it out from the city." Innumerable artifices Avere 
resorted to by the assailants to force tlieir way into 
the town; and none of the chiefs seem to have been 
more active and ingenious than the Count of Tou- 

' Raimond Ad'giles; Fulcher; Albert of Aix; Robert. Men. 
2 Robert, Mon. 3 Fulcher. 



HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 115 

louse,* who once succeeded in undermining- a tower, 
and casting it to the ground. Before this work was 
concluded, however, night had fallen over the army, 
and ere the next morning the laborious activity of 
the Turks had repaired the damage which their wall 
had suffered. 

Two of the principal German barons, also, con- 
trived a machine of wood, to which they gave the 
name of the fox. It was capable of containing 
twenty knights, and was secured by its immense 
solidity from all the efforts of the enemy. When 
this was completed, a vast multitude began to push 
it towards the part of the curtain which they intended 
to sap, but the inequality of the ground and the great 
weight of the machine itself caused some of the 
joints to give way, when the whole fabric fell to 
pieces, crushing under its ruins the unhappy knights 
within. 

The arrivaP of Robert of Normandy brought a vast 
accession of strength to the besiegers; notwithstand- 
ing which, during the remainder of the siege of Nice, 
the immense numbers of the crusaders did not pro- 
duce that scarcity of provision which ultimately fell 
upon them ; for Alexius, interested more than any 
one in the capture of the city, took care, after the 
first few days,' that the supplies should be ample and 
unremitted. 

Nevertheless the courage of the garrison did not 
at all decrease, and for five weeks they still conti- 
nued to return the assailants combat for combat, the 
whole day being consumed in a storm of arrows from 
the bows and arbalists, and of stones from the cata- 
pults and mangonels.'^ 

Numerous instances of extraordinary personal 
courage, shown on both sides, are of course recorded, 
aud each different historian has his own hero, whose 
deeds are lauded to the sky. One Turk in par- 

1 Guibert ; Raimond d'Agiles. 2 Albert of Aix. 

« Fulcher. 4 Idun ; Albert of Aix. 



116 HSITORY OF CHIVALRY. 

ticular signalized himself by an immense slaugh- 
ter of the crusaders, showing himself exposed upon 
the battlements, and plying his terrible bow, which 
winged death in every direction. The Christians 
became so fearful of him, that that most imaginative 
passion, terror, began to invest him with some su- 
pernatural defence.' The best-aimed arrows proved 
totally ineffectual, and reports spread rapidly that he 
might be seen, still sending destruction around from 
his hand, while twenty shafts — each carrying the 
fate of a common mortal— were sticking unheeded 
in his flesh. Godfrey of Bouillon, to end the panic 
that this man occasioned, at length took a crossbow 
liimself, though that machine^ was considered but a 
fit weapon for a yeoman, and directing the quarry 
with a steadier hand than those which had before 
aimed at the Turkish archer, he sent the missile 
directly to his heart.^ 

A multitude of the noblest crusaders had now fallen 
before the bows of the enemy, and many more had 
yielded to the effects of a climate totally different 
from their own. " Thus," says one of the followers 
of the Cross, " nothing was to be seen on the high- 
ways, in the woods, and the fields, but a crowd of 
tombs,'* where our brethren had been buried." 

At last, the leaders perceived the existence of a 
circumstance, their neglect of which, in the very first 
instance, showed how much the art of warfare was 
then in its infancy. One evening, after a fierce as- 
sault, the soldiers stationed near the water, who, in 
common with the rest of the host, usually rested 
from the labours of the siege during the night, sud- 
denly perceived boats upon the lake Ascanius, and 
it immediately became evident that the Turks re- 
ceived every kind of supply by this easy means of 
communication. As soon as this was discovered, 
various vessels were brought from Con-stantinople, 

1 Albert of Aix. 2 The Philippide. 

3 Albert of Aijf 4 Fulcher. 



HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 117 

and being drawn to the lake over a narrow neck of 
land which separated it from the sea, were filled with 
imperial archers ;^ and the blockade of the town was 
thus rendered absolute. This was executed during 
the night, and all hope abandoned the Turks from 
the next morning, when they beheld that which had 
proved their great resource suddenly cut off. 

The crusaders now hoped to force the city to sur- 
render at discretion ; and their expectations of such 
an event were much raised by the fact of the sul- 
tauness, the wife of Soliman, who had hitherto cou- 
rageously undergone all the miseries and dangers of 
a siege, being taken in endeavouring to make her 
escape by the lake.^ 

By this time the besieged had determined to sur- 
render ; but Alexius had taken care to send with the 
army of the Cross an officer on whose art and fidelity 
he could depend, to secure for the imperial crown a 
city which he would probably have rather seen still 
under the dominion of the Turks, than in the hands 
of the Latins. 

This man's name was Taticius, or, according to 
the crusaders' corruption, Tatin.^ His face was 
dreadfully mutilated, and his mind seems to have 
been as horrible as his countenance. What commu- 
nication he kept up within the town it is difficult to 
discover; and how this communication was con- 
cealed from the Latins is hardly known, but probably 
it took place, as Mills conjectures, by means of the 
lake and the Greek vessels which now covered it. 
Certain it is, that the Turks entered into a private 
treaty with the emissary of Alexius, who granted 
them the most advantageous terms, securing to them 
not only life,"* but immunity and protection. 

It had been covenanted beforehand, between the 
emperor and the crusaders, that on the fall of the city 
i, should be resigned to Alexius, who promised to 

^almond d'Agiles ; Albert of Aix ; Guibert. 2 WUl. Tyr. 

5 Albert of Aix. 4 Guibert ; Albert 



118 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 

give up to the troops all tne riches it contained,' and 
to found there a monastery, and an hospital for pil- 
grims, under the superintendence of the Latins.'^ Not 
contented with this, or doubting the faith of his allies, 
he took the means I have stated to secure possession. 
Suddenly the imperial ensigns appeared upon the 
walls of Nice, when the host of the crusade was 
just rushing to the attack in the full confidence of 
victory. It was now found that the people of the 
city had surrendered privately to Alexius, and had 
admitted his troops within the walls ; but it required 
the greatest efforts of the leaders of the crusade, 
although disgusted with this treachery themselves, 
to quiet their forces, and reconcile them to the per- 
fidy of their base ally.'* 

On the part of the Christians, the wife and chil- 
dren of Kilidge x\slan, who had fallen into their 
hands, were delivered to the Turks ; and, at the same 
time, all those prisoners which had been taken by So- 
liman, on the defeat of Gautier sans avoir, were re- 
stored to liberty. So little, however, did Alexius 
keep his treaty with the crusaders, that, instead of 
yielding to them the whole plunder of Nice, he con- 
tented himself with distributing some rich presents 
to the chiefs,"* and some money to the poor of the 
army ; and suffered them, thus dissatisfied and in- 
jured, to raise their camp and march on towards Je 
rusalem, without permitting them to set foot within 
the city they had conquered."^ 

The army of the Cross waited no time under the 
walls of Nice, but as soon as the principal leaders 
had returned from Pelicanum, whither they had gone 
once more to confer with Alexius, it began its march.^ 
At the end of the second day the forces of the 

1 William of Tyre; Raimoiid. 2 Raimond de Agiles. 

3 William of Tyre ; Raimond de Allies ; Guibert de Nogent. 

4 Fulcher, cap. 4 ; William of Tyre. 

5 Ten at a time were admiiled within the walls, but not more, 
fi June 29, A D. 1097 



HISTORY OF CHIVALRY, 119 

different chiefs' were accidentally separated,^ Boe- 
mend and the Duke of Normandy taking a path con- 
siderably to the left of that followed by Godfrey and 
the rest of the host. They proceeded on their Avay, 
notwithstanding, knowing that they could not be very 
far from the principal body, and towards night pitched 
their camp in the valley of Gorgon, in the midst of 
some rich meadows, and near a running stream.* 

Their situation was, nevertheless, not near so de- 
sirable as they imagined, for Soliman, who during 
the siege of Nice had made the most immense ef- 
forts for the purpose of relieving that city, now that 
it had fallen, hung witji the whole of his force,^ to the 
amount of nearly two hundred thousand men,^ upon 
the left fiank of the army of the crusaders, conceal- 
ing his own evolutions by his perfect knowledge of 
the country, and watching those of his enemies with 
the keen anxiety of a falcon hovering over her prey. 
No sooner had the separation we have mentioned 
taken place in the host of the Cross, than the sultaun 
hastened his march to overtake the army of Boe- 
mond, which was infinitely the weaker of the two 
divisions. 

Accustomed to every sort of rapid movement, So- 
liman soon came up with the forces of the Prince 
of Tarentum and the Duke of Normandy. 

The crusaders had been from time to time warned, 

1 Fulcher, cap. 5; Raimond d'Agiles ; Orderic Vital ; Raoul de Caen. 

2 Mills avers that the chiefs separated by mutual consent. I have 
found nothing to confirm this opinion. Radulphus says that there was 
a rumour to that effect, but shows that it could not be just, as the bag- 
gage of the troops of Boemond and his party had, by the error that sepa- 
rated them, been left with the other division. William of Tyre leaves the 
question undecided. Fulcher says, absolutely, that the separation origi- 
nated in a mistake. Orderic Vital follows the same opinion. Raimond 
d'Anjiles is not precise, but he says that it was done inconsiderately ; and 
Guibert decidedly affirms that it was accidental, and through the obscu- 
rity of the morning in which they began their march. 

3 William of Tyre. 

4 Fulcher ; Raimond d'Agiles ; Albert. 

8 Fulcher makes it amount to nearly three hundred and sixty thousand 
combatants ; and Raimond reduces the number to one hundred and fifty 
thousand. 



120 HISTORY OF CHIVALEfy. 

during the preceding day, that an enemy was in the 
neig-hbourhood, by the sight of scattered parties of 
Arabs hovering round their army.^ They neverthe- 
less encamped by the side of a beautiful stream, 
that, flowing on through the rich valley in which 
they were advancing, proceeded to join itself to the 
waters of the Sangarius. Here they passed the 
night in repose, taking merely the precaution of 
throwing out sentinels to the banks of the stream. 
Early the next morning, Boemond and Robert again 
commenced their march, and had advanced some 
way,^ when the immense army of Soliman began to 
appear upon the hills. 

Boemond instantly sent off messengers to God- 
rey of Bouillon, and the rest of his noble compa- 
nions, of whose proximity he had now become 
aware, and gave orders for drawing up his forces, 
for pitching the tents, and for making a rampart of 
the wagons'* and baggage for the defence of the sick 
and the weak from the arrows of the Turks. In 
the mean while, turning to his knights and men at 
arms, he addressed them with the brief eloquence 
of courage. " Remember the duties of your caUing !" 
he exclaimed. " Behold the peril in which you are 
placed — charge boldly to meet the infidels — defend 
your honour and your lives !" 

While he spoke, the Turks rushed down to the 
battle with terrifie cries,"* which, mingling with the 
tramp of two hundred thousand horse, and the ring- 
ing of their armour, together with the trumpets of 
the Christian host, and the shouts of the chiefs and 
the heralds, raised so fearful a din, that no one coukl 
hear another speak among the followers of the Cross. 

The army of Boemond, hastily drawn up, pre- 
sented a mingled front of horse and foot soldiers, 
and pilgrims,^ some but half-armed, some not armed 

1 Fulcher. 2 ibid ; Guibert. 

J William of Tyre ; Guibert ; Fulcher, cap. 5. 

4 Guibert; Will, of Tyr. 5 Fulcher ; Radulph. Cad. cap. 21. 



HI?TORY OF CHIVALRY. 121 

at all ; while the Tw^ks came down in one torrent 
of cavalry. The immense numbers which it con- 
tained all blazing with glittering arms, and provided 
with bc-vs of horn and scimitars, dazzled and dis- 
mayed the troops of the Christians. As the infidels 
upproached, the European Chivalry dropped the points 
of their long lances, and prepared to hurl back their 
foes, as was their wont, by the heavy and decided 
charge which proved always so effective ; hut sud- 
denly, each Moslem raised his bow even as he gal- 
loped forward,' a thick cloud seemed to come over 
the sun, and then, two hundred thousand arrows 
droppLng at once among the crusaders, a multitude^ 
of men and horses were instantly stretched upon 
the plain. 

Before the Christians could rally from the sur- 
prise, a second flight of arrows followed the first, 
doing dreadful execution among the foot-soldiers and 
the steeds of the knights.^ But now Tancred and 
Boemond led on their troops to the charge, and spurred 
their horses into the midst of the enemy. The 
Turks, as was their habit, yielded ground on every 
side, avoiding, by the swiftness of their chargers, the 
lances and the swords of the Christians, and, like 
the Parthians of old, continuing their fearful archery 
even as they fled. 

Vain were all the efforts of the European Chivalry, 
though, throwing away their useless spears, they 
endeavoured to reach the Turks v/ith their swords ;^ 
but now, in turn, the swarming multitudes of their 
foes, pouring down fresh from the mountains on every 
side, no longer retreated, but pressed closer and 
closer upon them ; and as each adversary fell be- 
neath the vigorous bloM's of the knights, new foes 
started up to meet them. 

In the mean while, thick and fast was mown the 

1 William of T>'re ; Guibert ; Fulcher. 

2 Fulcher, cap. 5 ; William of TjTe. 

3 William of Tyre. 4 Raoul of Caen. 

L 



122 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 

flower of the Christian army. The brother of Tan- 
cred, famed alike for his beauty and his courage, was 
slain before the eyes of his relation.' Tancred him- 
self, surrounded by a thousand enemies, fought as if 
Fate had put the weapon in his hands, but fought in 
vain. Boemond, with all his efforts, could scarcely 
extricate his gallant cousin from the torrent of ad- 
versaries in the midst of which he struggled, and 
even then it was with the loss of the banner of 
Otranto.2 

Borne back by the growing multitude that pressed 
upon them, the knights gave way before the Saracens, 
and were driven struggling upon the very pikes^ of 
the foot-soldiers that were advancing to their sup- 
port. At the same time Sob man, whose numbers 
gave him the means of surrounding the army of the 
crusaders, directed several large bodies of his cavalry 
through some marshes to the rear of the Christians, 
and in a moment the camp'^ of Boemond was invaded 
and deluged with the blood of the old, the women, 
and the helpless !^ 

Robert of Normandy, however, who had com- 
manded the reserve, now beholding the flight of his 
allies, roused all the courage of his heart ; and un- 
covering his head in the midst of the fray, shouted 
forth his battle-cry^ of " Normandy ! Normandy I 
Whither fly you Boemond ?" he exclaimed ; " Your 
Apulia is afar ! Where go you Tancred ? Otranto 
is not near you ! Turn ! turn upon the enemy ! God 

1 Albert ; Raoul of Caen ; William of Tyre. 2 Albert. 

3 Raoul of Caen. 4 Fulcher ; Albert ; Raoul of Caen. 

5 Albert of Aix informs us, that the ladies of Boemond's camp, seeing 
the merciless fury with which the Turks were dealing death to all ages and 
sexes, clothed themselves in their most becoming garments, and strove 
to display their charms to the best advantage, for the purpose of obtain- 
ing the durance of the harem rather than the grave. Albert was not pre- 
sent, and did not even visit the Holy Land ; and I find his account in this 
respect confirmed by no other historian. The good canon, indeed, waa 
somewhat fond of little tales of scandal, so that I feel inclined to doubt 
his authority, where such matters are under discussion. He has ant 
anecdote in a similar style appended to his history of the taking of Nice, 

6 Radulphus, cap. 22. 



HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 123 

wills it ! God wills it !" And seizing- his banner, he 
spurred on with his followers against the Turks, 
drove them back, rallied the cavaliy, and restored 
order and regularity to the defence. 

Boemond, in the mean while, had turned his arms 
towards the camp ; and the Turks had retreated from 
that quarter of the field, bearing- with them all that 
was valuable, and a considerable number of prisoners. 
The army of the crusade was now concentrated on 
one spot, while that of the Turks, surrounding it on 
all sides, gave it not a moment's repose. Soldier 
fell beside soldier, knight beside knight.' Fatigue 
and thirst rendered those that remained little capable 
of defence ; and the dust and the hot sun made many 
of the wounds mortal, which otherwise would have 
been slight in comparison. In this conjuncture,'' the 
women that remained proved infinitely serviceable, 
bringing to the troops water from the river, and by 
prayers and exhortations encouraging them to the 
fight. 

Thus lasted the battle for many hours, when first a 
cloud of dust, rising from behind the hills, announced 
that some new combatants were hurrying to the field. 
Then rose above the slope banner, and pennon, and 
lance, and glittering arms, while the red cross flutter- 
ing on the wind brought hope and joy to the sinking 
hearts of the crusaders, and terror and dismay to the 
victorious Turks. '^ In scattered bands, spurring on 
their horses as for fe, came the Chivalry of the west 
to the aid of their brother Christians. None M^aited 
for the others ; but each hastened to the fight as the 
fleetness of his charger would permit, and rank after 
rank, troop after troop, banner followed by banner, 
and spear glittering after spear, came rushing over 
the mountains to the valley of the battle. " God 
wills it ! God wills it !" echoed from hill to liill.'^ 

1 William of Tyre. 2 Ordoric Vital ; Gnibert. 

3 Albert of Aix ; Fulcher. cap. 5 ; William of Tyre. 

4 Radulph. Cadom. cap. 26. 



124 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 

Robert of Normandy shouted his war-cry, Boe- 
mond, with renewed hope, couched his hmce, and 
Tancred rushed upon the slayers of his brother. 

At the same time' Godfrey of Bouillon arrayed his 
army as they came up, and, with levelled lances, 
drove down upon the Turks. Hui^h of Vermandois 
attacked them on the flank, and Raimond of Tou- 
louse, with the warlike bishop of Puy, soon increased 
the forces of the Cross. 

The Turks^ still made great and valorous efforts to 
maintain the superiority they had gained, but the 
charge of the Latin Chivalry was irresistible. The 
infidels were driven back, compelled to fly in disor- 
der, and pursued over the mountains by the victo- 
rious crusaders.^ In the hills the Christians, who fol- 
lowed hard upon their course, discovered the camp 
of the Saracens, where immense booty, both in gold 
and provisions,* became the recompense of their ex- 
ertions. Here, also, they found all the prisoners who 
had been taken in the first part of the battle, and a 
great number of beasts of burthen, of which they 
were tliemselves in great need. Among the rest was 
a multitude of camels, an animal which few of the 
Franks had ever seen before. These were all brought 
to the Christian encampment, and rejoicing suc- 
ceeded the fatigues and horrors of the day. 

The loss of the crusaders, after so long and severe 
a battle, if we can depend upon the account gene- 
rally given, w^as very much less than might have 
been anticipated. Only four thousand men^ are sup- 

1 Fulcher; Albert of Aix. 

2 Albert ; Radulphus Cadomachus, cap. 27, 28, et seq. ; William of 
Tyre. 

3 Many of the Christians attributed their victory to the miraculous 
interposition of two canonized martyrs, who. in glittering armour, led on 
the army of Godfrey and the count of Toulouse, and scared the Turks 
more than a!l the lancers of the crusaders. Though the supposed inter- 
position of such personages certainly robbed the leaders of no small 
share of glory, yet it gave vast confidence and enthusiasm to the inferior 
classes. 

4 Albert of Aix; Fulcher; Guibert. 5 William of Tyre 



HISTORY OF CHIVALRV. 125 

^sed to have fallen on the part of the Christians ; 
these were principally, also, of the inferior classes, 
who, unprotected by the armour which defended the 
persons of the knights, were fully exposed to the 
arrows of the Turks. 

Three men of great note, among the champions 
of the Cross, were added to this hst of killed' — 
William, the brother of Tancred ; Geoffrey of Mount 
Scabius ; and Robert of Paris, whose conduct at the 
court of Alexius we have before mentioned. The 
loss on the part of the Turks was infinitely more 
considerable, and thus, at the close of the battle of 
Dorylceum, the Christian leaders found that they had 
marked their progress towards the Holy Land by a 
great and decisive victory. 

The c-rusading armies now paused for several 
days,^ enjoying the repose and comfort which the 
spot afforded, and which their exhausted troops so 
much required. The wounds of the soldiers who 
had suffered in the late battle were thus in some de- 
gree healed ; and the abundance of provisions the 
enemy had left behind served to renovate the strength 
and raise up the hopes and enthusiasm of the Chris- 
tians. In the mean while, the Turks, who had sur- 
vived their defeat at Dorylceum, spread themselves 
in large bands over the country, and, pretending to 
have totally overcome the Latins, forced themsefves 
into the cities, destroying and wasting every thing 
in their way.^ The Christians thus, in their march 
through Phrygia, had to cross a large tract which 
had been completely ravaged by the enemy. With 
their usual improvidence, they had exhausted the 
provisions they had found in their adversary's camp ; 
and ignorant of the country, they had provided 
themselves with no water, so that they had to en- 
counter all the heat of the solstitial days of a Phry- 
gian climate, without a drop of liquid to allay their 

1 Guibert: William of Tyre ; Albert of Aix 

2 AlLert 01 Aix. 3 Guibert, lib. iii. 

L2 



126 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 

burning thirst. Men and horses fell by thousands 
in the way ;^ and the women, parched with drought, 
and dying with fatigue, forgot delicacy, feeling, and 
even the ties of human nature — rolled prostrate on 
the ground with the agony of thirst — offered their 
naked bosoms to the swords of the soldiers, and 
prayed for death — or threw down their new-born 
children in the track of the army, and abandoned 
them 10 a slow and miserable fate ! The most ter- 
rible mortality prevailed among the beasts of burden*, 
so that the animals accustomed to bear the baggage 
of the host having nearly all died by the way, dogs 
and oxen, aud even hogs,^ are said to have been 
loaded with the lighter articles of necessity, while 
an immense quantity of luggage was cast away on 
the road. Many falcons and dogs — a part of knightly 
equipage never forgotten — had been brought from 
Europe to Asia ; but the dogs, spreading their nostrils 
in vain to the hot wind for the least breath of mois- 
ture, left the long-accustomed hand that they were 
wont to love, and straying through the desolate land, 
died among the mountains ; while the clear eye of 
the noble falcon withered under the fiery sky, which 
nothing but a vulture could endure ; and, after long 
privation, he dropped from the glove that held him.* 
At length water was discovered, and the whole 
army rushed forward to the river. Their intempe- 
rate eagerness"* rendered the means of relief nearly 
as destructive as the tliirst which they had endured, 
and many were added to the victims of that horrible 
march by their own imprudent indulgence in the 
cool blessing that they had found at last. The 
country now had changed its aspect, and nothing 
presented itself but splendid fertility till the host of 
the crusade reached the city of Antiochetta, where, 
.surrounded by rivulets, and forests, and rich pas- 



1 Albert of Aix, lib. iii. ; William of Tyre. 2 Fulcher ; Guibert. 
3 Albert. 4 Ibid. 



HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 127 

tures, tliey pitched their tents, determined to enjoy 
the earthly paradise that spread around them. 

Soiiie of the warriors, however, whose energetic 
«piru no fatigues could daunt' or subdue, soon tired 
:of the idle sweets of Antiochetta^ and voluntarily 
•separated themselves from the army, seeking either 
renown or profit, by detached enterprises. Tancred 
■on the one hand, with the Prince of Salernum, and 
several other nobles, five hundred knights, and a party 
of foot-soldiers, set out from the army of Boemond, 
to explore the country, and ascertain the strength of 
the enemies by which they were surrounded. De- 
tacliing himself, at the same time, from the division 
of Godfrey of Bouillon, Baldwin, the brother of that 
leader, joined Tancred with a somewhat superior 
force, actuated probably more by the hope of his own 
individual aggrandizement, than by any purpose of 
serving the general cause of the crusade. 

x\fter wandering for some time through the districts 
round Iconium and Heraclea,^ which the Turks had 
taken care to desolate beforehand, the two chieftains 
again separated, and Tancred, pursuing his way by 
Cilicia, came suddenly before Tarsus. The Turks, 
by whom that city was garrisoned, knowing that the 
greater part of the populace was opposed to them, 
surrendered almost immediately on the approach of 
the Christian leader, and while he encamped with his 
forces under the walls, waiting, according to stipu- 

1 Radulph. Cadom. cap. 33 ; Guibert, lib. iii. ; Will. Tyr. 

2 All the authors of the day that I have been able to meet ivith declare 
this expedition of Baldwin and Tancred to have been voluntary. Mills 
only, as far as I can discover, attributes their conduct to an order re- 
ceived from others I mark the circumstance more particularly, be- 
cause, under my view of the case, rhe fact of Tancred and his compa- 
nions havina; separated themselves from the rest of the host, after such 
immense faiiifue-s, abandoning repose and comfort, and seeking new 
dangers and fresh privations, is one of the most extraordinary instances 
on record of the effect of the chivalrous spirit of the age. Under this 
point of view, all the historians of that time saw the enterprise which 
they have recorded ; but Mills, writing in the least chivalrous of aL 
epochs, has reduced the whcle to a corporal-like obedience of orders, 

3 Albert of Aix, lib iiL ; liadulpli. cap. 37. 



128 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 

lation, for the arrival of Boemond, his banner was 
hoisted upon the towers of the town.^ Scarcely had 
this been done when Baldwin also appeared, and at 
first, the tv/o armies, each conceiving the other to be 
an enemy, prepared to give one another battle. The 
mistake was soon discovered, and Tancred welcomed 
his comrade in arms to Tarsus. The feelings of 
Baldwin, however, were less chivalric than those of 
the noble chief of Otranto, and the banner of Tan- 
cred flying on the walls of Tarsus was an object 
that he could not long endure. After passing a day 
or two in apparent amity, he suddenly demanded 
possession of the city, declaring, that as he led the 
superior force, he was entitled to command. Tan- 
cred scoffed at the absurd pretence, and both par- 
ties had nearly betaken themselves to arms.^ The 
noble moderation of the Italian leader brought about 
a temporary reconciliation. He agreed that the peo- 
ple of the city themselves sliould be referred to, and 
choose the chief to whom they would submit. This 
was accordingly done, and the inhabitants instantly 
fixed upon the knight to whom they had first surren- 
dered.^ But Baldwin was yet unsatisfied; and aftei 
having made a proposal to sack and pillage the town, 
which was rejected with scorn and abhorrence by 
his more generous fellow-soldier, he caballed with 
the citizens and the Turks, till he won them to throw 
down Tancred's banner, and yield themselves to him. 
Mortified, indignant, even enraged, the steady pur- 
pose of right within the bosom of the chief of Otranto 
maintained him still in that undeviating course of 
rectitude which he had always pursued ; and, re- 
solved not to imbrue a sword drawn for honour and 
religion in the blood of his fellow-christians," he 
withdrew his forces from before Tarsus, and turned 
his arms against Mamistra. The Turks here, more 

1 Albert of Aix, lib. iii. ; Guibert ; Will. Tyr. 

2 Radulphus, cap. 38. 3 Albert of Aix ; Guibert, lib. iii. 
4 Radulphus ; Albert of Aix ; Guibert of Nogent. 



HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 129 

bold tlian those of the former city, beheld his ap- 
proach uiiawed, and held out the town for several 
days, till at length it fell by storm, and the victorious 
chief planted his banner on those walls with far 
more honourable gloiy than that which surrounded 
the standard of Baldwin at Tarsus. 

In the mean while, another body of crusaders, de- 
tached from the troops of Boemond, arrived before 
the city in which Baldwin had established himself, 
and demanded entrance, or at least assistance and 
provisions. Baldwin' cruelly caused the gates to be 
shut upon them ; and had it not been for the charita- 
ble care of some of the Christian inhabitants, who let 
them down wine and food from the walls, they would 
have been left to expire of want. A fate hardly bel- 
ter awaited them. The Turks had still, by their ca- 
pitulation, maintained possession of several of the 
towers of Tarsus, but fearful of the superior force of 
Baldwin, tliey sought but a fair opportunity to es- 
cape without pursuit. The very night that the de- 
tachment of which I have spoken above arrived, the 
Turks carried their intentions into eifect,^ and find- 
ing a small body of Christians sleeping under the walls 
without defence, they made the massacre of the whole 
the first step in their flight. The soldiers of Bald- 
win and the citizens of Tarsus, who had together 
witnessed, with indignation, the barbarous conduct 
of the French chieftain, now rose in absolute revolt.'^ 
Baldwin, however, having remained in concealment 
for a few days, contrived to pacify his followers, and 
to overawe the city. After this he joined himself to 
a band of piratical adventurers, who about that time 
arrived accidentally at Tarsus, and who, minghng 
their lust of prey with some dark and superstitious 
notions of religion, had turned their course towards 
the Holy Land, in the pleasant hope of serving both 

1 Albert, lib. iii. 2 Albert. 3 ibid. 



130 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 

Clod and Mammon with the sword.^ With these 
Baldwin continued to ravage Cihcia, and at length 
approaching Mamistra, in which Tancred had esta- 
blished himself, he pitched his tents upon the imme- 
diate territory of that city. Tancred now gave way 
to his indignation, and issuing forth, though accom- 
panied by very inferior forces, he attacked Baldwin 
sword in hand, when a fierce engagement ensued be- 
tween the two Christian armies. The struggle was 
severe but short : the superior numbers of the French 
prevailed, and Tancred was forced to retreat into the 
city. On one side, the Prince of Salernum was made 
prisoner by Baldwin,^ and on the other, Gilbert of Mont- 
clar was taken ; but the next day, shame for their un- 
christian dissensions took possession of each chief. 
Peace was agreed upon ; they embraced in sight of 
the two hosts ; the captives were exchanged, and, as 
usual, Satan got the credit of the dispute. Baldwin 
proceeded, after this, to join the main army, and left 
his piratical associates to aid Tancred in laying waste 
the country. 

During these events the great body of the crusade 
had remained for some time at Antiochetta, where 
the people continued to acquire new health and 
strength, in the enjoyment of that tranquillity and 
abundance which had been so long withheld from 
them. Not so the chiefs, two of whom^ — and those 
of the most distinguished — had nearly, in this period 
of repose and peace, found that death which they had 
so often dared in vhe midst of battle and hardship. 

Godfrey of Bouillon, in delivering a pilgrim from 
the attack of a huge'* bear in the M'oods of Antio- 
chetta, had almost fallen a victim to his chivalrous 
courage: he received so many wounds, that even 
after having slain his ferocious adversary, he could 

1 Albert; Raoul de Caen. See also Fulcher, who was chaplain to 
jBaldwin. 2 Albert of Aix ; Raoul of Caen. 

3 Albert of Aix; William of Tyre; Raimond d'Agiles. 

4 Albert of Aix ; William of Tyre 



HISTORY OF CmVALRY. 131 

not drag himself from the forest to the camp ; and 
remained long- and dangerously ill in consequence. 
At the same time, tlie Count of Toulouse was seized 
with a violent fever, which brought him to the brink 
of the grave. He was taken from his bed and laid 
upon the ground — as was customary among the pil- 
grims at the hour of death, that they might expire with 
all humility — and the Bishop of Orange administered 
the last sacraments of the church:^ but a certain 
Count of Saxe, who accompanied the army, came to 
visit the leader of the Provencals, and told him that 
St. Giles (the patron saint of the Counts of Toulouse) 
had twice appeared to him in a dream, assuring him 
that so valuable a life should be spared to the cru- 
saders. 

Whether from the effect of that most excellent me- 
dicine, hope, or from a natural turn in his disease, the 
count suddenly began to recover, and before long wa» 
sufficiently well to accompany the army in a litter. 
The chiefs of the crusade now directed their march 
towards Antioch, suffering not a little from the deso- 
late state of the country, which, devastated on every 
side by the Turks, afforded no means of supplying tho 
immense multitude that followed the standard of the 
Cross. After passing Iconium and Heraclea, their 
fatigues were destined to increase rather than di- 
minish. Their road now lay through uninhabited 
wilds, which Robert the Monk describes in language 
at once picturesque and terrific.^ " They travelled," 
says he, " with deplorable suffering through moun- 
tains where no path was to be found except the paths 
of reptiles and savage beasts, and where the passages 
afforded no more space than just sufficient to place 
one foot before the other, in tracks shut in betweeii 
rocks and thorny bushes. The depths of the preci- 
pices seemed to sink down to the centre of the earth. 



t Raimond d'Agiles. 

2 Robert. Mon. lib. iii. Albert of Aix; Guibert. 



132 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 

while the summits of the mountains appeared to rise 
up to the firmament. Tlie knights and man-at-arms 
M'alked forward with uncertain steps, the armour 
being shmg over their shoulders, and each of thera- 
acting as a foot-soldier, for none daied mount hi* 
horse. Many would willingly have sold their hel- 
mets, their breastplates, or their shields, had they 
found any one to buy, and some, wearied out, cast 
down their arms, to M^alk more lightly. No loaded 
horses could pass, and the men were obliged to carry 
the whole burdens. None could stop or sit down :■ 
none could aid his companion, except where the 
one who came behind might sometimes help the 
person before him, though those that preceded 
could hardly turn the head towards those that fol- 
lowed. Nevertheless, having traversed these horri- 
ble paths, or rather these pathless wildernesses, they 
arrived at length at tlie city named Marasia, the in 
habitants of which received them with joy and re- 
spect." 

At Marasch the host was rejoined by Baldwin, 
Avhose wife died a few days before his arrival. His 
brother Godfrey,' too, was still suffering from the 
effects of his combat with the wild beast, and all the 
chiefs of the crusade, indignant at his conduct at Tar- 
sus, gave him but a chilling and gloomy reception.^ 
The spirit of individual aggrandizement was still the 
strongest passion in the breast of Baldwin, and the 
coldness of his companions in arms yielded him no 
great encouragement to stay and employ his efforts 
for the general object of the expedition, rather than 
for the purposes of his own selfish ambition. He 
very soon abandoned the rest of the chiefs, contriv- 
ing to seduce two hundred knights, and a large party 
of foot-soldiers, to join him ; and as his course was 
thenceforth separate from the rest of the crusaders, 
I shall follow the example of Guibert, and briefly 

Albert of Aix 2 William ol'Tyre 



HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 133 

trace it out, till it falls again into the general stream 
of events. 

Accompanied by Pancrates,' an Armenian, who 
painted in glowing colours the wealth of the provinces 
on the other side of the Euphrates,^ and the facility 
with which they might be conquered, he set out with 
the vague hope of plundering somethifltg and over- 
coming some one, he knew not well what or whom. 
However, his skill as a commander was certain to 
find matter on which to exercise itself, in a country 
possessed by an active enemy, while his rapacious 
propensities were very likely to be gratified in a rich 
and plentiful land, where the many were oppressed 
by the few. TurbesseP and Ravendel fell imme- 
diately into his hands, and were at first placed under 
the command of his companion, Pancrates ; but be- 
ginning to suspect that personage, he forced him to 
deliver up the cities, by imprisonment, torture, and a 
threat of having him torn limb from limb.^ He then 
passed onward, crossed the Euphrates, and at the 
invitation of Thoros, sovereign of Edessa, entered 
that city, to free it from the power of the Turks. 
Thoros, a weak and childless old man, was driven by 
the inhabitants — who were terrified at their infidel 
neighbours, and had no confidence in their feeble 
monarch — to adopt the brother of Godfrey, with all 
the curious ceremonies then practised on such occa- 
sions. He passed his own shirt over Baldwin's 
shoulders,^ pressed him to his naked breast, and pub- 
licly declared him his son.^ 

The transactions that followed are very obscure, 
and as I have not been able to satisfy myself in re- 
gard to the share which Baldwin had in the tumults 
that succeeded, and the death of Thoros, I will but 
state the facts, without attempting to trace them to 



1 Albert of Aix. 

2 The population of these countries was in general Christiaii. 

3 Fulcher ; Albert. 4 Albert ; Guibert. lib. iii, 
6 Guibert. 6 Albert. 

M 



134 HISTORV OF CHIVALRY. 

secret causes, which are now liidden in the dark ta- 
bernacle of the past. Something- we know — Baldwin 
was ambitious, unscrupulous, intriguing, cruel — and 
shortly after his arrival, the people of Edessa rose 
against their unhappy prince, slew him, and elected 
Baldwin in his place. It does not absolutely appear 
that Baldwin was the instigator of these riots, or the 
prompter of the death of Thoros ; but it does appear 
that he did not exert himself as he might have done 
to put them down. That- it was in his power to sup- 
press them is evinced by the rapidity with which he 
reduced the Edessians' to the most submissive obe- 
dience, immediately that the rank for which he had to 
contend was his own. He afterward proceeded to 
aggrandize his dominions, by attacking various of 
the neighbouring cities, and thus, in continual strug- 
gles, he passed his days, till some time after his com- 
panions in arms had completed their conquest of the 
Holy Land. 

In the mean while, Tancred took possession of the 
whole country as far as the town of Alexandretta, in 
the Gulf of Ajasse ; and the great army of the cru- 
sade continued its march, throwing forward Robert 
of Flanders to seize on Artesia.^ The Mahommedan 
soldiery prepared to resist; but the Armenian inha- 
bitants opened the gates to their Christian deliverers, 
and the infidels were massacred without mercy. On 
the news of this event, Baghasian, the commander 
of the Turkish garrison of Antioch, apparently not 
knowing the immediate proximity of the whole Chris- 
tian force, endeavoured to cut off, by stratagem, the 
small army of the Count of Flanders, who was accom- 
panied by only one thousand knights. For this pur- 
pose the Turk advanced from Antioch,^ followed by 
nearly twenty thousand horsemen, whom he placed 
in ambush in a plain near the city, while he himself, 

J Guibert, lib. iii.; where see the manner in which Baldwin contrived 
to subjugate the inhabitants. 
2 Albert of \ix. 3 Guibert- 



HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 135 

at the head of a petty detachment, armed alone with 
bows of horn/ advanced as if to reconnoitre the 
Christian troops. Robert of Flanders and his knights 
suffered themselves to be deceived, and charged the 
enemy, who fled before them, but in a moment they 
were surrounded by immensely superior numbers, 
who, with terrific cries, rushed on, to what appeared 
a certain victory. The gallantry^ and courage of 
the Christian warriors served to deliver them from 
the danger into which the excess of that very cou- 
rage had brought them, and charging the Turks with 
vigour in one decided direction, they succeeded in 
cutting their way through, and effecting their retreat 
to the city. 

Here, however, they were besieged by the enemy; 
but the arrival of Tancred, on his return from his 
victorious expedition, together with reinforcements 
from the main army, relieved them from the pre- 
sence of the Turks, who retreated upon Antioch. 

1 Albert. 

2 Mills declares, that the Christians were rescued from this ambus- 
rade by the arrival of Tancred. I find the account of Albert of Aix 
tof.Tilv opito'jed to snch a statement ; while the Dassage in Raoul of Caen 
relating to this event is so full of errors in other respects, that no reliance 
could be placed upon it, even if it justified the assertion of Mills, which, 
however, it does not do. He states, that Tancred arrived long before the 
ambuscade, and that he found Baldwin at Artesia. By this he might 
mean Baldwin de Bourg, who, after the other Baldwin became King of 
Jerusalem, was also created Count of Edessa ; but this interpretation 
cannot be admitted here, as he mentions the former disputes between 
the soldiers of Tancred and of the Baldwin to whom he refers, and who 
could therefore be none other than the brother of Godfrey, who was, we 
know, in Edessn at the time. We may therefore conclude, that as a 
principal part of this account is notoriously false, Raoul of Caen cannot 
be considered as any authority, so far as this event is concerned. Find 
ing the statement of Tancred's assistance here not confirmed by any 
other good authority, I have abided by the account of Albert. 



136 HISTORY or CHIVALRY. 



CHAPTER VII. 

The Host of the CiiLsade invests Antioch— Description of that City-^ 
Difficulties and Errors of the Crusaders — Improvidence — Famine — 
Spies— Desertions— Embassy from the Calf of Egypt— Succours 
from the Genoese and Pisans— Battle— Feats of the Christian 
Knights — Boemond keeps up a Communication within the Town — 
The Toton betrayed to the Christians— Massacres— Arrival of an 
Army from Persia — The Christians besieged in Antioch — Famine 
—Desertions — Visions— Renewed Enthusiasm — Diminished Forces 
of the Christians— Battle of Antio'h—Tke Crusaders victorious- 
Spoils — Disputes ivith the Count of Toulouse — The Chiefs determine 
to repose at Antioch— Ambassadors sent to Alexius— Fate of their 
Embassy. 

The army now began to approach towards An- 
tioch; and it was evident, that the task which the 
champions of the Cross had undertaken was becoming- 
more and more difficult, as it drew near its consum- 
mation. The host was proceeding further and fur- 
ther from all resources ; its enemies were gathering 
strength and falling back upon fresh supplies ; mul- 
titudes of the invaders had died, and others were 
each day joining the dead : little hope of fresh rein- 
forcements could be entertained, and the flame of 
enthusiasm was waxing dim, while fatigue, privation, 
and continual anxiety were gradually bringing dis- 
gust to the enterprise. The council of leaders,' well 
aware of the increasing dangers, now issued orders 
that in future no party whatever should absent itself 
from the main body ; and all considerable detach- 
ments having rejoined it, they marched on to the val- 
ley of the Orontes. Over that river a stone bridge 
of nine arches was the only passage: this was 
strongly fortified, and closed with doors plated with 
iron, from which circumstance it had received the 
name of the iron-bridge. The Turks defended this 

I Albert of Aix. 



HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 137 

formidable position with great valour ag-aiast Robert, 
Duke of Normandy, who commanded the advance 
guard of the crusading- army; but on the arrival of 
Godfrey and the other forces, the bridge was carried, 
the river passed, and Antioch invested. 

In the vast plain situated at the foot of the moun- 
tains,^ the Orontes wanders on towards the sea, 
skirting, during a part of its course, the steep boun- 
daiy which closes in the plain of Antioch from the 
south. On one of the bendings of the river was 
situated the town of Antioch, which, climbi'ng up the 
hills, took within the embrace of its massy walls 
three high peaks of the mountain, one of which 
standing towards the north is separated from the 
others by a steep precipice, and was then crowned 
by a high and almost impregnable citadel.^ The 
town itself, which extended in length two miles, was 
so strongly fortified by art and nature, that none of 
the active means then known seemed likely to take 
it by assault. The walls of the city were not abso- 
lutely washed by the Orontes ; for between them and 
that river was a space of level ground, the breadth 
of which Raimond d'Ag-iles estimates at an arrow's 
flight ; but, as the river turned in its course, it ap- 
proached nearer to the town, and an antique bridge,^ 
which the crusaders at first neglected to secure, gave 
infinite facility to the Turks, both in annoying theii 
adversaries, and in procuring- supplies. On the other 
side, spreading- from the river to the foot of the 
mountains, was a marsh supplied constantly by some 
fresh springs. Over this also was thrown a bridge, 
which equally remained in the hands of the infidels. 

The encampment of the crusaders was conducted 
without any degree of mihtary science.^ Various 
points were left open and unguarded ; each chief 
seemed to choose his own situation, and form his 
own plan of attack ; and the most scandalous waste 

» Raimond d'Apiles. 2 Will. Tyr.; Raimond. 3 Albert of Aix. 
-4 Raimond ; Guibert of Nogent. 

M2 



Ici8 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 

and profusion from the very first laid the foundation 
of after want and misery. 

Such were the obstacles which impeded the pro- 
gress of the forces of the Cross, and which might ul- 
timately have rendered all their efforts abortive, had 
not other circumstances arisen to bring about an 
event that their own skill and conduct would never 
have accomplished. It is not necessary here to de- 
scribe the position of the several leaders : suffice it, 
that Tatin, as he is called by the writers of that day, 
the commander of the troops of Alexius, took up his 
station in a spot detached from the rest. Three 
hundred thousand men capable of bearing arms,' sat 
down under the walls of Antioch ; and such a pro- 
fusion of provisions was found, even for this im- 
mense multitude, that the greater part of each animal 
slaughtered was wasted, the crusaders in the wan- 
tonness of luxury refusing to eat any but particular 
parts of the beast.^ 

Such was the formidable appearance of the city, 
however, that a council was held to consider whether 
it would be advisable to attack it at once, or, remain- 
ing beneath the walls, to wait and see if famine 
would spare the work of the sword, or spring bring 
fresh resources to the besiegers. This opinion was 
soon negatived, and the attack began ; but the walls 
of Antioch resisted all efforts. Every means then 
known was employed by the crusaders to batter the 
heavy masonry of those mighty bulwarks, but in 
vain. Moveable towers, and catapults, and mango- 
nels, and battering-rams, were all used ineffectually ; 
while the -besieged, in a variety of sallies, harassed 
night and day the Christian camp, and destroyed 
many of the assailants. 

The consequences'^ of their first improvidence 
were suon bitterly visited on the heads of the cru- 

1 Raimond ; Albert says six hundred thousand ; Guibert of Nogent 

2 Raimond. 

« Raimond d'Agiles; Albert d'Aix ; Guibert de Nogent, lib. iv.; Robert. 



HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 139 

saders. Famine began to spread in the camp ; and 
pestilential diseases, engendered by miwholesome 
food and the neighbourhood of a large tract of 
marshy land, in the autumn and winter seasons, 
raged through the hosts of the Cross, and slew more 
fearfully even than the arrows of the enemy. Death 
in every shape grew familiar to their eyes, and the 
thought of passing to another world lost all the salu- 
tary horror which is so great a check on vice. 
Crimes of various descriptions were common;^ and 
the sharp urgency of famine, joined with that hor- 
rible contempt of all human ties, which the extreme 
of mortal need alone can bring, induced many of the 
crusaders, deprived of other aliments, to feed upon 
the dead bodies of the slain.^ At the same time, 
the Turks suffered not their miseries to pass without 
aggravation, but kept the unsparing sword constantly 
at their throats f while, by a number of spies, 
dressed in the garb of Greeks and Armenians, the 
garrison became aware of all the movements and 
necessities of their besiegers.* To correct the 
crimes of the camp, a court was instituted, with full 
power to try and punish ; while, to prevent the im- 
morality which was growing . too glaring for en- 
durance, the women were separated from the general 
host, and provided for and protected apart. 

At the same time, Boemond employed a some- 
what savage mode of freeing the army from the 
spies by which it was infested. Having detected 
some Turks in disguise, he caused them to be slain 
and roasted in his presence ; declaring, that famine 
knew no delicacies, and that in future he should 
feed upon such fare. Still, however, the mortality 
and the dearth increased; and though an excursion 
made by Boemond^ and Robert of Flanders brought 

1 Raimond d'Agiles ; Albert of Aix ; Guihert de Nogent. 

2 Malmsbury. 3 Albert ; Raimond d'Agiles. 
4 Guibert de Nogent ; Robertas Monachus, lib. iv 

fi Guibert ; Albert ; Robert. Men. 



140 . HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 

a temporary supply to the camp, yet that was soon 
iraprovidently wasted like the rest, and the scarcity 
became more rigorous than ever. Desertion of 
course followed.* Among such a multitude, there 
were many whose hearts were not of that firm and 
all-enduring mould which could alone carry on an 
enterprise surrounded by such horrors and distresses. 
Taticius,^ tlie Greek, upon pretence of searching foi 
assistance at Constantinople, retreated with the few 
troops he commanded ; and his example was fatal to 
the resolution of many others. Various bodies of 
crusaders abandoned the army, and found refuge in 
the different Christian states that still subsisted in 
the neighbouring countries : many tried to tread their 
way back to Europe ; and the Count de Melun,^ a 
celebrated warrior, but a notorious plunderer, at- 
tempted to quit the host of the Cross, and seek some 
other adventure, where personal danger was not 
accompanied by famine and privation. Even Peter 
the Hermit himself,^ no longer looked upon as a great 
leader or an inspired preacher, seeing misery, death, 
and horror pursuing the object of all his enthusiasm, 
and feeling himself, perhaps, less valued than his 
zeal merited, was abandoned by that ardour which 
had been his great support. Whereas, had he been 
still regarded as a prophet, or followed as a mighty 
chief, he would probably have borne the extremity 
of suffering without a murmur ; now, told to endure 
want and wretchedness as a private individual, he 
yielded, like the weakest of those that surrounded 
him, and tried to flee from the pangs which he had no 
stimulus to endure. Both of these fugitives'^ were 
brought back by Tancred ; and after undergoing a 
severe reprimand, were forced to vow that they would 

1 Raimond d'Agiles. 

2 Ibid ; Guibert ; Robertus Monachw'? 

3 Guibert says he was a boasting coward ; but this is contradicted by 
others. 

4 Guibert de No^ent ; Robert 

6 Guibert ; Robertus Monachus, lib. iv 



HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 141 

never abandon the enterprise till the army had reached 
Jerusalem. 

In the mean while,' the camp of the crusaJers re- 
ceived embassies from two different and unexpected 
quarters. Which arrived first, or at what period of 
the siege either arrived, is of little consequence, and 
impossible exactly to determine; for on this subject, 
as well as every other collateral circumstance, each 
of the contemporary authors differs from his fellows; 
and the historian may think himself fortunate when 
he finds them agreeing- even on the principal facts. 
The news of the progress of the Christian host had 
spread even to Cairo -^ and the calif of Egypt, from 
whose hands Syria had been wrested by the Turks, 
sent deputies to the leaders of the crusade, probably 
more with the intent of ascertaining their real con- 
dition, and the likelihood of their ultimate success, 
than for the purpose of binding himself to them by 
any formal treaty. His messengers, however, were 
charged to congratulate the Latins on their progress, 
and to offer the most advantageous terms of union, 
if they would consent to act in concert with the 
Egyptian power. They' detailed the mild and liberal 
measures which the calif had employed towards 
the Christians of their country, and they engaged the 
leaders to send back ambassadors to the court of their 
sovereign.* 
After the siege had continued some time, a most 

1 Robert. Monac 2 Albert of Aix. 

3 Raimond d'Agiles ; Vertot ; Guibert : William of Tyre. 

4 This is one of the points on which the authorities of the day are ia 
direct opposition to each other. Mills has chosen the opinion of Ro- 
bertus Monachus, who states that the message of the calif was haughty 
and insolent. I have followed another version of the story, because I 
find it supported by a greater weight of evidence, and because I do not 
think the calif would have taken the trouble of sending all the way from 
Egypt to insult a party of men whose persevering conduct showed that 
tney were not likely to be turned back by words. Guibert says, that the 
ealif promised even to embrace the Christian faith, in case the crusaders 
overcame the Turks, and restored to him his Syrian dominions. Albert 
of Aix also vouches the same proposal, which, however improbable 
might have been made for the purjiose of deceiving tlie crusaders 



|42 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 

welcome aid, both in men and stores, arrived at the 
httle port of St. Simeon, situated at the mouth of 
the Orontes. This town had already, for many years, 
served as a seaport to Antioch, which, in its hig-h 
prosperity,' had carried on considerable trade with 
the Italian cities of the Mediterranean; and to it the 
states of Genoa and Pisa now sent a large rein- 
forcement of soldiers,^ and several ship-loads of pro- 
visions. 

The famished crusaders proceeded towards the 
spot in straggling crowds, and Boemond,^ with the 
Count of Toulouse, at the head of some regular troops, 
marched down to escort their newly arrived brethren, 
and the supplies they were conveying, to the general 
camp of the crusaders. The Turks of Antioch, 
however, let no opportunity of vengeance and annoy- 
ance pass unemployed. Boemond, embarrassed with 
a multitude of rabble, and encumbered with baggage, 
was encountered, as he returned through the moun- 
tains, by a large body of Moslems, who, taking him 
unprepared, slew a great number of the people, and 
put the leaders and their knights to flight. Boemond 
arrived breathless at the camp, but the rumour of the 
battle had preceded him. Godfrey of Bouillon^ was 
already in the saddle ; and now, joined by Raimond 
and Boemond, together with Hugh of Vermandois, 
the Duke of Normandy, and Robert of Flanders, he 
advanced to the top of the hills, behind Avhich the 
victorious Turks were winding onward, on their re- 
turn to the city. 

A skirmish took place for the position on the 
mountains, but the Christians obtained it with little 
difficulty ; and thus cut off the enemy from the town.^ 
The Turks were forced to fight once more ; but they 
were opposed no longer by an undisciplined crowd ; 
and the Chivalry of Europe never displayed that 

• Robertson's Historical Disquisition on India 
2 Robert, lib. iv. 3 Albert of Ai.\. 

4 Albert : Robert. Mon. 5 Albert of Aix, lib. iii. 



HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 143 

almost superhuman valour' which distinguished them, . 
with greater effect. Allowing- even for the exaggera- 
tion of eulog}^ the efforts of the knights must have 
been extraordinary. Godfrey is reported to have 
mown the heads of the Turks as a mower strikes 
down the thistles; and all the authorities of that day 
repeat the tale of his having at one blow severed an 
armed infidel in twain, though protected by his cui- 
rass.^ Every chief rivalled the other; and, beyond 
all doubt, several of the infidels must have fallen by 
the hand of each knight. While thus the sword 
raged among the Turkish host, many made their way 
to the bridge, and rushed across it in such crowds, 
that hundreds were thrust over into the water. On 
the other side, too, Boemond, with a large body of 
pikemen on foot, opposed their passage,^ and hurled 
them at the point of the lance into the river, the banks 
of which were lined with the crusaders, who repelled 
even those that swam to land."* Thus lasted the 
fight . till the sun going down put a stop to the 
carnage ; and the Christians, with songs of victory 
and loaded with spoil, returned to their camp for the 
night. More than two thousand men, several of 
whom were of high rank, were left by the Turks on 
the field of battle : a multitude found death in the 
Orontes; but the number of the fallen was nevei 
correctly ascertained,' although the Christians, with 
the characteristic barbarity of the time, dug up many 
of the dead bodies that the Turks had buried during 
the night.^ 

Various efforts both from within and without were 
made to raise the siege, but in vain. On one occasion 
an immense body of Saracens, Arabs, and Turks was 
defeated by seven hundred Christian knights, to which 

1 Robertus, lib. iv. 

2 Robert. ; Albert of Aix, lib. iii, 

a Giiibert; Albert of Aix, lib. iii. 4 Robertus ; Albert. 

5 Five thousand perished on the bridge and in the' water, according to 
Robert the Monk. 

6 Robertus Monachus. 



144 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 

^ small number^ the disposable cavalry of the army 
'was reduced. Famine, however, disease, and tem- 
pests did more to alarm and destroy the crusading 
force than all the efforts of the infidels. The winds^ 
became so high that the tents even of the chiefs were 
blown down, and for some time they were forced to 
sleep in the open air. An earthquake^ was felt to- 
wards the beginning of the year, and was of course 
considered as an omen. A comet,'^ too, blazed through 
the sky ; but as the superstitious fancied they beheld 
in it the form of the Cross, this rather increased than 
abated their hope. In the midst of these circum- 
stances Stephen,^ Count of Blois, never very famous 
for his valour, pretended illness, and retired from the 
army of the crusade, accompanied by four thousand 
men, whom he led to Alexandretta. A more serious 
desertion, also, was threatened, though no design 
ever existed of its execution: Boemond^ himself 
began to murmur at the length of the siege. He was 
poor, he declared : he had given up every thing in his 
native country for the Cross, and he could not waste 
his blood and treasure, and see all his soldiers fall in 
a siege which was to be productive of no advantage 
to himself. Such murmurs had their object, and 
might perhaps spring, in some degree, from a weak 
quarrel with Godfrey of Bouillon, on the subject of a 
tent, which had been sent to the duke by the Prince 
of Armenia, but which had been waylaid by Pan- 
crates, the Armenian I have had occasion to mention 
in speaking of Baldwin ; and had by him been given 
to Boemond. The Prince of Tarentum had been 
obliged to yield it by the decision of all the leaders ; 
but though this was a subject of irritation, he had 
more ambitious projects in view. 
Boemond for some time, through a proselyte Turk 

1 Guibert mentions previously that the number of horses was reduced 
to a thousand ; lib. iv. 

2 Robertus ; Guibert. 3 Raimond d'Agiies. 
4 Guibert, lib. v.; Fulcher, cap. 7. 

e Will. Tyr. i Albert , Fulcher, cap. 8. 6 Raimond d'Agiles. 



tHSTORY OF CHlVALRt. 145 

to whom he had given his name at baptismj had kept 
up a communication with the commander of one of^ 
the chief towers, on tliat part of the city wall which 
looked towards the gorges of the mountains. This 
man,' by birth an Armenian, had embraced Mahomet- 
anism, and raised himself high in the opinion of the 
prince of Antioch. He had in consequence received 
the command of the important^ station I have men- 
tioned, while his two brothers occupied the neigh- 
bouring towers.^ The origin of his communication 
with Boemond is variously stated} but the event is 
the same. He was won over by magnificent pro- 
mises to engage that he would admit that chief and 
his followers into the town when called upon. 

Boemond, however, did not intend at all that the 
intelUgence which he had thus practised within the 
walls should be lost to himself, and benefit others 
alone i* but knowing^ the jealous nature of his com- 
panions, he waited patiently till circumstances com- 
pelled them to concede to him the sovereignty of 
Antioch, in the event of its being taken by his means* 
At first the proposal was rejected by the other leaders j 
but soon, increasing reports that an inimense army* 
conunanded by the warlike sultaun of Persia, was 
advancing to the relief of the besieged, induced the 
Christian chiefs, under the distress and despondency 
which affected the army generally^ to concur in the 
Views of the ambitious Prince of Tarentum^ Boe- 
mond then intrusted his secret to Godfrey and the 

1 William of Tyre says he was a noble Armenian, chief of the triba 
of Benizerra, or the sons of the armour-forgers, and calls him Emi* 
Fair. Abouh'aragi, however, says he vyas a Persian, and calls hiia 
Ruzebach. 

2 Guibert ; Will. Tyr. ; Albert. 3 Guibeft, 

4 William of Tyre, lib. v. ; Robert, lib. v. ; Guibert, lib. v. 

5 This transaction is reported variously. Albert of Aix says, that the 
l^roposal of Boemond was at once received tvith joy. Raoul of Caert 
gives a different account, and states thSt the bishop of Puy, on the sug- 
gestion of Boemond, suggested that the town should be given to hint 
-vvho could first obtain it. Guibert and Robert relate it as I have done 
above. The archbishop of Tyre declares that no one c^tposed the ft&- 
posal Of Boemond but th« Count of Toulouse. 

N 



146 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 

Other great leaders, but it was under the most solemn 
promises of silence' on the subject ; for, notwith- 
standing all the precautions that could be taken, it 
was well known that the Turkish spies infested the 
Christian camp. With thq utmost caution all the 
measures were concerted for carrying the project into 
effect, and thjough the whole army the rumour was 
spread that the preparations made by the chiefs were 
for the purpose of laying an ambush for the Persian 
forces, that were approaching. Phirouz, the Arme- 
nian traitor, was warned that Boemond AA^as about to 
take advantage of his offer; and as soon as night had 
completely set in, the Prince of Tarentum, with a body 
of chosen knights, proceeded into the mountains,^ as 
if with the design of surprising the host of the Per- 
sians. Only seven hundred men, however, were 
selected for this perilous expedition ; and marching 
in the dead of the night, they crossed the valleys and 
precipices of the rocky chain on which the city rested, 
and halted in a deep dell at some distance from the 
walls. The wind was blowing in shai*p gusts, and 
its bowlings among the gorges of the mountains pre- 
vented the tramp of the armed men from reaching the 
watchers on the walls. Having assembled their 
forces in the valley, Godfrey and Boemond explained 
to their followers the real nature of the enterprise 
they meditated. A single interpreter was sent for- 
ward, to confer with their traitorous coadjutor, and 
to ascertain that all was prepared. Phirouz assured 
him that he was ready, and asked eagerly where were 
the knights ; being told that they were near,^ he 
pressed them to advance, lest any thing should excite 
the suspicion of the other commanders, especially 
as, from time to time, men with lighted torches pa- 
trolled the wall during the night, and it was neces- 
sary that they should take advantage of the interval. 

1 Will. Tvr. ; Albert of Aix ; Guibert, lib. v. 

2 Albert of Aix ; Robertus, lib. v. 

3 Robertus, lib. v., 2d June, A. D. 1098. 



HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 147 

Godfrey, Robert of Flanders, and Boemond instantly- 
led the troops to the foot of the fortifications; a rope 
was let down, and a ladder of hides raised. At 
first,^ no one could be found to mount. Unaccus- 
tomed to carry on any warlike operation^ during- the 
nig-ht, a thousand unwonted fears took possession of 
the bosoms of the crusaders. At length, urged by the 
chiefs, and encouraged by Phirouz from above, one 
knight — which of the body is not certain^ — began to 
ascend the ladder, and was followed by several 
others. Silence then su -ceeded, and temporary hesi- 
tation once more took p( ssession of the force below : 
but the voices of their companions who had ascended, 
whispering assurances of safety and fidelity, soon 
renewed their courage, and many attempting- to climb 
the ladder at once,'' it gave way under thefr weig-ht, 
precipitating them upon the lance-heads that were 
buried in the fosse. The clang of their armour as 
they fell was a new cause of alarm, lest the sound 
should reach the other towers : so loud, however, 
was the roaring of the wind, and the hollow rushing 
sound of the Orontes, that the noise was not heard 

1 Guibert, lib. v. ; Raimond d'Agiles ; Albert. 

2 There is some reason to believe that Boemond was the first who 
entered, as stated by William of Tyre ; but as Albert of Aix makes no 
mention of the fact, and as Guibert de Nogent declares positively that 
Boemond, who is certainly his favourite hero, did not mount till sivty 
otliers had preceded him, as Raimond d'Agiles gives th« honour of the 
feat to Fulcher de Chartres, and as Robert the Monk confirms that asser- 
tion, I have left the matter in doubt, as I found it. In regard to the s'ory 
of Phirouz murdering his brother in his sleep, because he would not aid 
in his design, I believe fully that it was but one of those ornamental 
falsehoods with which men are ever fond of decorating great and extra- 
ordinary events. I doubt not that the tale was current in the time of 
'W'^illiam of Tyre, who reports it; and tiie act was, beyond question, 
looked upon as a noble and devoted one on the part of Phirouz ; but as I 
find nothing to confirm it in any book I possess, except the simple 
fact of that Armenian having been a traitorous rascal, please God, 
till further evidence 1 will look upon it all as a lie. Robert the Monk re- 
presents, in very glowing terms, the grief of Phirouz (or the death of 
liis two brothers, who were killed in the m lee. Phirouz became a 
Cnristian, at least in name ; and to cover the baseness of his perfidy, he 
declared that the Saviour himself had appeared to him in a vision, com- 
manding him to deliver up the town. 

3 Albert of Aix; Guibert, lib. v.; Raimond d'Agiles. 



148 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 

by any but those immediately around. ■> The ladder 
was easily repaired, and more than sixty knights had 
reached the top of the battlements when the torch of 
the patrol began to gleam along the walls in its ap- 
proach towards them. Hid^ in the shadows of the 
tower, the 'crusaders waited the officer's approach, 
and before he could spread the alarm death had fixed 
the seal of silence on his lips for ever. The knights 
now descended through the staircase in the masonry, 
and finding the soldiers of the guard asleep, they 
speedily rendered their slumbers eternal. A postern 
gate was then forced open,^ and the seven hundred 
champions rushed into the city sounding their horns 
in every direction, as had been agreed between the 
chiefs, in order that on this signal the town might be 
at the same time attacked from without. 

It would be painful to dwell upon the scene of 
slaughter that ensued. The Turks were soon awa- 
kened by the shrieks of their falling comrades, and 
by the trumpets of their victorious foe : they ran to 
arms,3 and for many hours manfully opposed their 
conquerors hand to hand, though all hope of victory 
was now over. The Greeks and Armenians has- 
tened to force open the gates and give entrance to 
the rest of the army of the Cross : but, in the dark- 
ness that prevailed, many of the Christians as well 
as the Turks were slaughtered by the victors, who 
butchered all ages, sexes, and conditions, with indis- 
criminate rage and haste,^ in which fear and agi-.- 
tationhad probably as much to do as cruelty and 
fanaticism. 

During the whole of the night the crusaders con- 
tinued the massacre of their enemies ; and Albert of 
Aix^ declares, that the following morning they found 
they had slain many of their own countrymen by 

1 Albert of Aix, lib. iv. 

2 Guibert ; Albert ; Raimoml d'Agiles. 

^ Raimoiid ; Robeftus Mpnachijs, lib. vi. ; Albert. 

4 GjtiiUert. \i\). y, 6 Albert of Aix, lib. iv. 



HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 149 

mistake. Such a fact is not difficult to conceive of a 
Dody of men wandering without guide through a hos- 
tile town, with the paths of which they were unac- 
quainted. As ever follows the violent capture of a 
large city, the soldiery first satisfied themselves with 
bloodshed, ^nd perhaps added some extra cruelties 
to gratify t\ eir fanaticism, and then betook them- 
selves to piunder and debauchery ; nevertheless, 
they committed not greater excesses than we have 
seen perpetrated in days not very distant from our 
own, by the troops of civilized nations, without the 
fiery stimulus of religious zeal for a palliation. 

I mean not to defend the cruelties of the cru- 
saders, but I mean to say, that they were not extraor- 
dinary in that age, or in any age that has yet passed : 
God only knows what may be to come. The cru- 
saders treated the infidels as the infidels had often 
treated the Christians ; and as Christians, unhappily, 
have too often treated Cliristians like themselves. 
Their plunder was not at all of a more atrocious 
kind than that which attends every storm ; and as 
to the hypocrisy' with which ]Mills charges them, 
that writer quite loses sight of the spirit of the age 
on which he writes, and metes men's actions by a 
standard that they never knew. The crusaders were 
not hypocrites, they were merely fanatics ; and in 
the relentless fury with which they pillaged, injured, 
and massacred the Turks, they thought they did 
God as good and pleasing service as in singing 
praises to him for the victory they had obtained. 
They were fearfully wrong in their principle, it is 
true, but still they acted upon principle, and there- 
fore in this they were not hypocrites. 

Baghasian, the Turkish prince of Antioch,^ fled 
with a part of his troops to the citadel, but finding 
th-^t security could not long be found within the 
walls of the town, he escaped alone to the moun- 

1 See Mills's History of thp Crusades. 

2 Robertixs Monachus, lib vi. : Guibert • Fulcher; Albert. 

N2 



J50 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 

tains, where he was waylaid by some Syrian Chris- 
tians and slain. His head, with all the venerable 
marks of extreme age, was struck off by his slayers, 
and carried, with his rich sword-belt, into Antioch, 
where it proved an acceptable present to the rude 
victors. 

Thong-h much spoil' of various kinds was found in 
Antioch, little that could satisfy the cravings of hun- 
ger had been left by the Turks. They, themselves 
closely blockaded, had been driven nearly to want ; 
and the Christians soon began to suffer from the 
very precautions they had formerly taken against 
their enemies. In the first joy of their conquest, too, 
the little discipline that ever existed in a chivalrous 
host was completely relaxed, and before it could be 
sufficiently restored for necessary measures to be 
taken in order to procure supplies, famine was in the 
city, and the liosts of the Persian sultamr encamped 
beneath the walls. 

The invasion of the Christians, the fall of Nice, 
and the siege of Antioch had spread consternation 
through the empires of the Crescent ; and the mo- 
narch of Persia had roused himself from the con- 
temptuous sloth in which he had first heard of the 
crusades, and raised an immense army, to sweep 
away, as the Moslem expressed it, the band of locusts 
that had fallen upon the land. 

Kerboga, or Corbohan, as he was named by the 
Christians, the emir of Mosul, and favourite of the 
calif, took the command of the army ; and being 
joined by Kilidge Asian, the sultaun of Roum, with 
a considerable force, proceeded at the head of about 
three hundred thousand men towards Antioch, He 
would, in all probability have reached that city in 
time to prevent its fall, had he not turned from the 
direct road to ravage the principality of P^dessa, and 
dispossess Baldwin.'^ From thence, however, he 

I Guibert, lib. v. ; Robertus ; Albert. 2 Guibertj Al\>etX pf Aijg. 
* WHliam of Tyre ; Albert fifAix, 



HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 151 

was called, before he could accomplish his object, by 
the news of the Christians' success, and in a few days 
Antioch was once more invested. The first attempt 
of the Moslems was to throw supplies into the cita- 
del, which the Latins had hitherto neglected to at- 
tack. In this they in some degree succeeded ; and 
the crusaders, being roused to watchfulness, took 
what measures they could against further reinforce- 
ments reaching the castle. 

In the mean while the Christians, who had suffered 
what appeared the extreme of privation while assail- 
ing the very walls they now defended, were reduced 
to a state of famine which beggars all description.^ 
The most noisome animals, tjie most unsavoury 
herbs, became dainties at the tables of the great. 
The horses that remained were slaughtered without 
consideration, and all virtue and order gave way un- 
der the pressure of necessity. 

All sorts of vice became rife, and debauchery grew 
the more horrid from being the debauchery of despair. 
The Persians, encamped closely round them, had 
burnt the vessels, destroyed the port of St. Simeon, 
and cut off all communication with the neighbouring 
country. Nevertheless their guard was not so strict 
but that many of the crusaders escaped over the 
walls,^ and fled to the Count of Blois at Alexandretta, 
excusing their pusillanimity by tales of the horrors 
they had undergone. Stephen of Blois, now rejoic- 
ing in his timely evasion, abandoned his comrades 
altogether, and with the stragglers who had joined 
him from Antioch, among whom were many knights 
and nobles of distinction, he retreated towards Con- 
stantinople.^ By the way lie encountered a large 
force commanded by Alexius, who was marching, 
not to succour the crusaders, whose condition he 
.did not yet know, but to take advantage of their con« 

1 Robertus, lib. vi. ; Albert of Aix, lib. Iv.; William of Tyrs 

2 Robertu.s Monaclius, lib. vj. ; G.uibert, lib, v. 

3 Albert of Aix. 



152 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 

quests. The cowardly monarch, in deep sympathy 
■with the cowardly fug-itives, turned his back upon 
Antioch ihe moment he heard of its danger, and 
pursued his journey towards his capital, forcing along 
with hm a considerable body of French and Italian 
crusaders, who, under the command of Guy,' the 
brother of Boemond, had been advancing to the aid 
of their brethren. The news of Alexius's approach 
had filled the hearts of the besieged with joy, and 
the tidings of his retreat of course cast them into 
still deeper despair. The soldiers forgot their ho- 
nour and abandoned their posts, hiding in the houses 
and avoiding every thing that called them into acti- 
vity. As a last resource to drive them to their duty, 
Boemond2 set fire to parts of the town where they 
were supposed principally to linger ; but hope seemed 
extinguished in every breast, and though the inferior 
troops returned to some degree of energy, yet the 
leaders knew full well that without succour — and no 
succour was near — nothing short of a miracle could 
gave them from their distress. Within the walls 
they starved.^ and died, and wasted ; and they could 
hardly be expected to issue forth upon the enemy, 
when Godfrey himself, their noblest leader, and 
tacitly their chief, was destitute of even a horse to 
carry him to the battle. At the same time, from the 
walls of the city, the luxuries of the Turkish camp 
might be beheld in tantalizing splendour.* Gold and 
jewels, and rich silks, and beautiful horses, and gay 
seraglios, seemed rather indications of some joyous 
company than of a fierce besieging army. Troops 
of cattle, too, of all kinds, were seen feeding round 
about, while the acute tooth of famine was gnaw- 
ing the entrails of those who stood and looked upon 
all the magnificence and profusion before them. 
Many even of the leaders of the crusade^ were 

1 Robertus, vi. ; Albert of Aix. 2 Ciiibert. 

3 Guibert ; Fulcher ; Albert, lib. iv. 4 Guibert, rib. v. 

5 Albert of Aix lib iv 



mSTORY OF CHIVALRY. 153 

reduced to absolute beg-gary, and several became 
completely dependent on the bounty of Godfrey for 
mere food, till he himself had no more to give. The 
people, accustomed to privation, still in some degree 
bore up, but the knights themselves gave way, and 
had it not been for the noble firmness of Adhemar, 
Bishop of Puy, Godfrey, Rairaond, Boemond, and 
Tancred, the whole of the barons would have fled, 
and left the people to their fate.^ 

The chiefs I have named, however, never ceased 
their exertions. They bound themselves by the most 
solemn vows not to abandon each other or the 
cause they had undertaken; and Tancred, always 
the first where chivalrous enthusiasm was concerned, 
pledged himself by oath not to turn back from the 
road to Jerusalem so long as forty knights would 
follow his banner. At length superstition came to 
animate the courage of the soldiery. Visions were 
seen promising victory to those who endured to the 
last. The apostles, the saints, and even the Saviour 
appeared to many of the priests, who took care 
that their miraculous visitations should be noised 
abroad.2 

Whether originating in the policy of the leaders, 
or in the cunning of the lower order of priests, these 
supernatural consolations had a prodigious effect 
upon people who, their reliance on every earthly 
means being gone, were fain to turn to heaven. En- 
thusiasm, supported by superstition, proved a most 
excellent nurse to hope. Activity, energy, resolu- 
tion, returned ; and the wan and ghastly herds de- 
manded loudly to be led against the enemy. One 
more pious fraud^ was destined to be committed be- 
fore the troops were brought to the last resource of 
an almost hopeless battle. A clerk of Provence, 
serving under Raimond of Toulouse, sought out the 
chiefs of the armament, and declared that St. An- 

I Albert. 2 Guibert ; Fulcher ; Albert. 

s Raimond d'Agiles ; Fulcher ; William of Tyre ; Albert ; Guibert. 



154 historV of chivalry. 

drew the Apostle had manifested himself in a vision, 
and had revealed to him that the lance with which 
our Saviour's side was pierced, at the crucifixion, 
mig-ht be found in a certain spot in the church of St. 
Peter of Antioch. Accompanied by this holy relic 
the army was directed by the saint to issue forth 
upon the Saracens with assurances of victory. 

The Bishop of Puy,' whose religious feelings were 
of too pure a kind to practise, or even countenance, 
such cheats, declared that the tale must be false, 
and several chiefs agreed with him in opinion :^ but 
Raimond of Toulouse and others strongly supported 
the story; and the whole of the leaders soon became 
convinced that good policy required the lance should 
be found, a battle seeming the only resource. As no 
support could be given to the bodies of the ema- 
ciated troops, it was as well, also, to stimulate their 
minds as far as possible. 

The lance was therefore sought for in form, and 
though at first it could not be discovered, because it 
was not there, it very naturally happened that no 
sooner did the clerk who had been favoured with 
the vision descend into the pit,^ than the iron head 
was perceived, and brought up to the wonder and edi- 
fication of the people. The matter being now de- 
cided, the hearts of the multitude were all enthu- 
siasm, a great many more almost sacrilegious visions 
were seen, fasting and prayer, and the ceremonies 
of the church were used to excite and increase the 
popular ardour ; and, in the end, Peter the Hermit 
was sent out to the camp of Kerboga,'* not to offer 
terms of capitulation, but rather to threaten ven- 
geance, and to bid the Turks depart. The reply of the 
emir was as contemptuous as might have been ex- 
pected, and Peter returned with a message that would 
have somewhat quelled the daring of the crusaders, 

1 Fulclier ; Raimond. 2 Radulph. Cadom. 

3 Raimond d'Agiles. 

4 Eulcher ; Raimond ; Albert ; Guibert of Nogent. 



HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 155 

if it had been repeated. This, however, was pre- 
vented by Godfrey, and every preparation made for 
a battle. ' 

The citadel,* I have before said, had remained in 
the hands of the Turks, who had fled thither on the 
taking of Antioch. Its commanding situation ena- 
bled the garrison to see whatever passed in the town; 
and the governor being strictly enjoined to give due 
notice to the army of Kerboga of all the Christian 
movements, on the morning of the 28th of June, A. D. 
1098, a black flag,^ hoisted on the highest tower of 
that fortress, announced to the besiegers that the 
Latins were about to march out and attack them. 

The army of the Cross presented but a miserable 
sight ; the ghastly hand of famine had wrought hor- 
ribly on the wan countenances of the soldiery. Of 
all the fair Chivalry of Europe, whose heavy horses 
and steel-clad limbs had crushed like the fall of a 
mountain every thing that opposed them, but two 
hundred knights appeared mounted as was their 
wont.^ Those who could get them were glad to go 
forth upon mules and asses ; some having sold or lost 
their arms, were furnished with the small shields and 
scimitars taken from the Turks; and Godfrey of 
Bouillon himself rode the borrowed horse of the 
Count of Toulouse, who was left to guard the town. 
In this state of wretchedness, the crusading army 
marched out against a splendid force, which, at the 
beginning of the siege amounted to more than three 
hundred thousand fighting men, and had every day 
been increasing.* Nevertheless, all was enthusiasm 
in the Christian ranks. The priests in their ponti- 
fical robes,^ bearing crosses and holy banners, min- 
gled with the soldiers, and, singing hymns of joy, 
already taught them to anticipate victory. The 

1 Albert of Aix ; Raimond d'Agiles ; Will. Tyr. 

2 Albert of Aix. 

3 Albert of Aix ; Guibert, lib. iil. 

b€rr of Aix. & Guibert ; Albert ; Raimond. 



156 HISTORY Of CHIVALRY. 

number of knights going- to the fight on foot encoil- 
raged the common men by their presence and their 
example ; and, in fact, though destitute of many of 
the physical means which had given them superiority 
in former battles, the valour and the self-confidence,* 
which are the soul of victory, were never more pre- 
sent among the Christian warriors. 

Kerboga committed the great fault that has lost a 
thousand battles. He despised his enemy. When 
first the news was brought to him that the Christians 
were advancing, he was playing at chess,^ and hardly 
rose from his game. It was only the complete route 
of two thousand men, whom he had stationed to de-^ 
fend the bridge, that convinced him the attack was 
serious. He thus lost the opportunity of annoying 
the crusaders as they defiled, and now he found his 
srror and began to tremble for the consequences. 

Hugh of Vermandois,^ Robert of Flanders, and the 
Duke of Normandy, each advanced steadily at the 
head of his followers towards the mountains, where 
the Turkish cavalry were likely to find more difli-* 
culty in manoeuvring. Godfrey of Bouillon followed ; 
and then Adhemar, Bishop of Puy, clothed in ar- 
mour," and bearing the sacred lance, led on the 
troops of Provence. Boemond and Tancred brought 
up the rear, and thus the whole wound on towards 
their position. 

Kerboga now used every effort to remedy his first 
neglect, and made several skilful movements for the 
purpose of surrounding the crusaders. They, ori 
their part, with little attention to the arts of warfare, 
continued to march on, their courage increasing 
rather than diminishing, and persuading themselves 
that even the morning dew of a fine summer's day, 
which refreshed both themselves and their horses, 
was a special sign of favour from Heaven*^ It is 

i Raimond d'Agiles ; Fulcher. a Raimond ; Raoul de Caeil 

» Raimond. 4 Raimond d'Agiles. 

S Histor. Hieros } Jacob. Yit. 



HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 157 

said, that Kerbogaj at this moment seized with a sud* 
den and unaccountable fear, sent messengers to de- 
clare that he would accept the terms formerly offered, 
and commit the decision of the quarrel to a com- 
bat of five or ten champions to be chosen on each 
side.* 

This proposal (if really made) was instantly re- 
fused, and Kerboga, drawn up before his camp, 
waited the attack of the Christians ; while Soliman 
or Kilidge Asian, taking a wide circuit with an im- 
mense force of cavalry, prepared to fall upon the rear 
of the army commanded by Boemond. To conceal 
this evolution the vizier caused the dry grass and 
weeds with which great part of the ground was co- 
vered to be set on fire, and by the smoke thus raised^ 
succeeded in obscuring the movements of his ca- 
valry. During this manoeuvre he extended his line, and 
endeavoured to turn the flanks of the crusading army. 
The banner-bearers,^ in front of the host, were now 
within bow-shot of the enemy, and the arrows began 
to fall like hail on either side. The columns of the 
Christians came up one after another to the attack, 
and fighting hand to hand forced back the Turkish 
centre upon their camp, so that in that part of the 
field victory seemed leaning towards the champions 
of the Cross. 

At the same time, however, Soliman had fallen 
upon the rear of Boemond,"* who, enveloped by infi- 
nitely superior forces, was pressed hard and separated 
from the rest of the army. The dense cloud occa- 
sioned by the burning weeds embarrassed the Lom- 
bards and Italians, and the sword of the Persians was 
reapixig a terrible harvest in the ranks of the cru- 
saders. Tancred flew to the rescue of Boemond, and 
Hugh of Vermandois as well as Godfrey of Bouillon 
abandoning the attack^ they were making on the 



I Raimond d'Agiles: Fulcher. 2 Guibert. 

» Wm. Tyr. lib. vi. 4 RaouIofCaen. 5 Albert 

o 



158 HlStORY OF CHIVALRY. 

centre of the infidel army, turned to the rear, and 
succeeded in repelling the troops of Soliman. Still, 
the battle rag-ed undecided;' while Kerboga used 
every effort to secure the victory, and hurrying up 
the columns from his wings, caused mem to charge 
the rear of Godfrey as he advanced to the succour of 
the Prince of Tarentum. All was now confusion in 
that part of the field, the fight became hand to hand, 
blade crossed with blade, and man struggled against 
man. Meanv/hile the Bishop of Puy, still bearing 
the sacred lance,^ pressed forward upon a corps at 
the head of which Kerboga had placed himself; and 
with the Provengals urged the battle manfully against 
the infidels. The Persians fought bravely, and their 
numbers, as well as their great superiority in cavalry, 
gave them vast advantages over the Latins. Re- 
turning again and again to the charge with unequalled 
rapidity, fighting as well when their columns were 
broken as when their ranks were entire, and unri- 
valled in the use of the bow, they gave the crusaders 
not a moment to pause, without some enemy to at- 
tack, and some blow to repel. 

At length a report was raised through the Chris- 
tian host that the saints were fighting on their side ; 
and either by accident, by the force of imagination, 
or by some preconcerted artifice, the crusaders saw 
—or thought they saw — some figures clothed in 
white raiment, and mounted on white horses, coming 
over the mountains to their aid.'' All fear, all sus- 
pense was at an end. The enthusiasm was prodigious, 
extraordinary, overpowering. The redoubted battle- 
cry " God wills it ! God wills it !" once more rang over 
the field, and the weapons of the Christians Sv^emed 
swayed by the force of giants. At the same time, 
among the Moslems spread the sickening news that 
the Latins had forced their way into the camp. The 
hopes of the infidels fell, and terror took possession 

1 Albert. 2 Raimond d'Agiles. 

s Will. Malmsbury ; Guibert Je Nogentj Raimond d'Agiles. 



HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 159 

of them, while the courage of the people of the Cross, 
raised into ecstasy by the belief of visible aid from on 
high, bore down all that opposed it, and soon (converted 
feeble resistance into flight. In vain Kerboga tried 
to rally his troops, the panic was general, the pur- 
suers fierce and resolute ; and the mighty army of 
the Persians was scattered to the four winds of hea- 
ven. Tancred,' leaving to others the plunder of the 
camp, followed the fugitives over the hills, and pre- 
vented them from reassembling, while the rest of the 
chiefs entered the tents of the Persians, and added to 
their slaughtered enemies the blood of the helpless 
and unoffending.^ A number of women and children 
were either slain by the sword or borne down in the 
flight, and an immense booty in gold, arms, horses, 
cattle, and rich vestments made the host of the cru- 
sade richer than even when it took its departure from 
Europe. The pavilion of Kerboga himself, though 
not the most valuable, was perhaps the most cu- 
rious part of the spoil, being formed like a town, with 
walls, towers, and battlements,'* and comprising 
streets, squares, and avenues within itself. It fell to 
the share of Boemond, and was capable, they say, of 
containing two thousand men. 

Sixty-nine thousand Turks* died in the battle of 
Antioch, while the loss of the crusaders is not esti- 
mated at more than ten thousand; but it must be 
remembered that this is the account of the Christians 
themselves. One of the immediate consequences^ 
of this great victory was the surrender of the citadel 
of Antioch, which was now given up in despair. A 
considerable number of the soldiers forming its gar- 
rison embraced Christianity, and remained in the 
town; whil(! the rest, who firmly adhered to their 
ancient faith, were honourably conducted beyond the 
conquered territory. The whole army, loaded with 
wealth, and rejoicing in abundance, entered once 

'• Albert; Raoul of Caen; Guibert. 2 Fulcher; Albert 
3 Guibert: Albert. 4 Mills, 5 Guibert; Fulcher 



160 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 

more the walls of the city, and offered up to Heaven 
manifold thanksgivings for the victory they had ob- 
tained. The only occurrence that for the time 
troubled the public joy' was, that the Count of Tou- 
louse, who had remained behind to guard the town, 
looked upon the citadel, which had surrendered pre- 
vious to the return of the host, as his own conquest, 
and had raised his banner on the walls.^ The coun- 
cil of leaders determined that their agreement with 
Boemond embraced the castle as well as the town, 
and Raimond was, in consequence, forced to resign 
the authority he had usurped to the Prince of Ta- 
rentum. The count, notwithstanding, still retained 
possession of one of the city-gates,^ with its adjoin- 
ing towers, which he maintained for some months, 
but was obliged at last, by force of arms, to yield 
the whole. 

The first occupation of the crusaders after quieting* 
this dispute was to restore the temples, which the 
Moslems had converted into mosques, to the service 
of the Christian religion. The priests were re-esta- 
blished, the ceremonies of the church recalled ; and 
though they adhered to the forms of the Latin ritual, 
with wise and Christian moderation they abstained 
from interfering with the Greek patriarch, notwith- 
standing that they considered his dogmas heretical. 
The next question more related to their further ad- 
vance into the country ; and the people, proud in 
their victory, and forgetful of privations in the fulness 
of sudden satiety, clamoured loudly to be led on to 
Jerusalem. The chiefs,* however, saw how greatly 
repose was required; their army was lamentably 
diminished ; most of the soldiers were suffering from 
wounds or weariness, and few, though refreshed by 
their lately acquired stores, were capable of bearing 
more fatigue and fresh necessities. At the same 



1 Raimond d'Agiles ; William of Tyre. 2 See note IX. 

3 Albert of Aix; Will. Tyr. ; Raimond d'Agiloa. 4 Guibert. 



HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 161 

time, the fiery months of August and September, with 
the exposed plains of Syria, lay before them ; and it 
was known that water, scanty on the road to Jeru- 
salem even in the best times, was now hardly to -be 
procured. 

On these considerations, the chiefs determined to 
postpone their advance till October, and in the mean 
while despatched Hugh* the Great, Count of Ver- 
mandois, with Baldwin of Mons, Count of Hainault, 
to the court of Constantinople. These ambassadors 
were instructed to urge the base Alexius to fulfil the 
many promises which he had made and neglected ; 
and to threaten him, in case of his refusal, with the 
anger both of God and man. 

Baldwin of Mons was betrayed into a Turkish 
ambuscade, and his fate was never clearly ascer- 
tained ;^ but Hugh of Vermandois made his way 
safely through Asia Minor, and arrived at Constan- 
tinople. Admitted to the presence of Alexius, he 
detailed the sufferings of the Christians, and their di- 
minished forces, and showed the necessity which they 
felt of supplies and reinforcements. He announced 
also their victory over the Turks, and the signal hu- 
miliation which had been inflicted on the proud Mos- 
lems. This news in both respects gratified Alexius : ' 
but, equally well content that the Turks should be 
made weak, and that the Latins should not grow strong, 
he found the affairs of the east progressing exactly 
as he could have desired, and determined to leave 
them in the course which they had themselves taken. 
The wrath of Heaven for his broken engagements, 
and the vengeance of the crusaders on the same 
score, were far too rem.ote evils for the narrow- 
minded despot to yield them any consideration. 
Hugh of Vermandois — now nearhome^ and the com- 
forts which he had so long abandoned, anticipating 
little pleasure and no small danger on the journey 

I GUiibert ; Albert ; Will. Tyr. 2 Guibert ; Albert. 3 Guibert 
02 



162 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 

back, and having neither satisfactory news nor ne- 
cessary reinforcements to take to the crusaders— de- 
termined upon pursuing his journey into France, and 
leaving his companions to their fate. Knowing, 
liowever, that it would be difficult to justify himself 
in their eyes, he did not even take the trouble to 
write for that purpose ; others on his part have done 
so for posterity, and have failed. 



CHAPTER VIII. 

Pestilence in Antioch— Death of the Bishop ofPuy—The Chiefs separate 
— Siege of Marrah— Cannibalism — Disputes betweai the Count of 
Toulouse and Boemond — The Count marches towards Jerusalem — 
Siege of Archas— Godfrey of Bouillon marches — Siege of Ghibel — 
Treachery of Raimond— Fraud of the Holy Lance investigated— Or-' 
deal of Fire — Decisive Condiict of the Crusaders towards the Deputies 
of Alexius, and the Calif of Egypt— Conduct of the Crusaders toivards 
the Emir of Tripoli— First Sight of Jerusalem— Siege and taking of 
the City— Fanatical Massacres. 

The crusaders' in Antioch had reason to regret 
they had not at once marched onward. A pestilence 
began to spread in the city, and multitudes were bu- 
ried every day. Among the first was the venerable 
Bishop of Puy,^ whose high qualities of mind and 
excellent character as a priest had given much dig- 
nity and strength to the enterprise. Many celebrated 
kniglits also fell victims to this plague ; and all the 
dissensions'' and crimes that indolence acting on semi- 
barbarians can produce, begin to spring up within 
the walls of Antioch. To effect some change, the 
chiefs agreed to separate, and to canton their men in 
the countries round about. Boemond proceeded to 
reduce all Cilicia to obedience, and carried on a de- 
sultory but successful warfare against the Turks, 

I Albert of Aix. 2 Guibert ; Raimond d'Agiles ; Albert • 

9 Raimond d'Agiles. 



HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 103 

Godfrey' led his men to the assistance of the emir 
of Hezas, who soHcited his aid against the sultaun 
of Aleppo. Being- joined by Baldwin, and by some 
auxiliary forces from Antioch, Godfrey succeeded in 
delivering the emir, who was besieged in his fortress 
by the sultaun. Hezas was then placed by the prince 
under the protection of his new allies, whom he found 
somewhat exacting in their friendship. The plague 
still raging in Antioch, Godfrey turned his steps 
towards Edessa, the principality of his brother Bald- 
win, to whom he was now fully reconciled. After 
,a short repose at Turbessel,^ he engaged in the wars 
•which his brother was carrying on against the Turks, 
whose dominions surrounded Edessa, and also pu- 
nished Pancrates for the rapine whicli he had for 
some time exercised with impunity against all par- 
ties. The other princes in various bodies carried on 
the same separate hostilities against the Saracens, 
and many towns were added to the Christian domi- 
nions. 

The time fixed for the march of the general army 
at length arrived ; but, whether from a taste for the de- 
sultory sort of warfare to which they had now habitu- 
ated themselves, or from the hope of still receiving 
some aid from Europe, the crusaders tarried on their 
way, and laid siege to Marrah.^ The Moslems made 
a brave resistance, and the Latins having, with their 
wonted improvidence, begun the siege without any 
supplies whatever, were soon again reduced to famine 
and the most horrible cannibalism.^ At length Mar- 
rah was taken by storm on the arrival of Boemond 
and his forces. The slaughter was terrible, and a 
repetition of all the scenes on the taking of Antioch 
was here enacted with many circumstances of aggra- 
vation. New disputes now arose between Boemond 
and the Count of Toulouse, upon the possession of 
Marrah ; the Prince of Tarentum refusing to give up 

1 Albert of Aix. 2 William of Tyre. 3 Albert ; Guibert. 

4 Fulcher; Albert of Aix; Giiibert; Raoul of Caen. 



164 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 

the portion of the city he had conquered, till Rai- 
mond should yield the towers which he still held in 
Antioch.' Days and weeks pnssed in these unworthy 
contests, other chiefs attempting in vain to reconcile 
the two ambitious princes. At length the people, 
indignant at the conduct of their leaders, broke out 
into revolt, and destroyed the fortifications of Mar- 
rah, in spite of all that could be done to prevent 
them,^ vowing that it, at least, should not be a new 
cause of delay. They declared also that they would 
choose a chief for themselves, Avho should conduct 
them to Jerusalem. This, of course, compelled the 
leaders of the army to begin their march, but it in no 
degree produced a reconciliation, and Raimond of 
Toulouse,^ with Robert of Normandy and Tancred, 
proceeded on their way to Jerusalem, leaving the rest 
of the princes to follow as they might. Town after 
town submitted to Raimond ; but Archas proved a 
stumblingblock to his glory, and resisted the efforts 
of all the force he could bring against it. The Sara- 
cen emirs of the neighbouring country, however, 
whether from fear of the Christians, or from misun- 
derstandings among themselves, no longer pursued 
the firm and destructive plan formerly adopted of 
desolating the land before the steps of the invaders. 
The army of the Cross found provisions in plenty, 
and many of the towns which it approached bought 
immunity from attack, at the price of large presents 
to the crusaders.'^ 

Soon after the departure of Raimond, Godfrey of 
Bouillon, Robert of Flanders, Boemond, and the other 
leaders marched out of Antioch, and directed their 
course towards Laodicea, where Boemond^ again 
quitted them, and returned to his new principality, 
leaving a great part of his troops to aid his brethren. 
As some compensation for this desertion, the host 

1 Raimond d'Agiles ; Guibert de Nogont. 2 Raimond d'Agiles. 

3 Raoul of Caen ; Raimond. 4 Guibert. 

6 Guibert, lib. yi. ; Albeit of Aix, lib. v. ; William of Tyre. 



HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 165 

of the crusade was joined by a considerable body of 
English who had sailed round Spain ; and, entering 
the Mediterranean by Gibraltar, had touched first at 
St. Simeon, and then proceeded to Laodicea — a won- 
derful undertaking, indeed, as Raimond d'Agiles ob- 
serves, considering the state of the art of navigat/jon 
in that day. From Laodicea, Godfrey, marching 
along the coast, turned his arms against Ghibel, or 
Gabala, whither he was accompanied by the ships 
of the band of pirates whom we have seen serving 
under Baldwin ; and who, having fallen into the hands 
of the Greeks of Laodicea, had been kept in strict 
imprisonment till the arrival of the crusaders. The 
emir of Ghibel attempted, by the offer of large 
bribes, to divert the forces of the Cross from the at- 
tack of his city, but his proposals were met with 
contempt by Godfrey and the chiefs who accompa- 
nied him ; and the infidel commander, in consequence, 
sent messengers to Raimond of Toulouse' (then be- 
sieging Archas), whose disinterestedness was reported 
to be of a different quality. Raimond, always fond 
of gold, caught at the bait held out, and immediately 
agreed to draw his fellow-crusaders from Ghibel by 
artifice. He lost no time, therefore, in sending word 
to Godfrey, that an immense body of Saracens was 
marching down against his Proven9als under the walls 
of Archas. This tale of course caused Godfrey^ to 
raise the siege of Ghibel, and hasten to the assistance 
of his comrade. On his arrival, however, Tancred, 
and the other knights of Raimond's army, unde- 
ceived the duke of Loraine, who, indignant at the 
treachery of the Count of Toulouse, renounced all 
communication'' with him, and withdrew his men to 
the distance of two miles, resolving to give him no 
aid in the siege of Archas. Tancred, at the same 
time, disgusted with the avarice of the count, who 
withheld from him the recompense he had promised 

1 Albert of Aix. 2 Fulcher • Guibert. 3 Albert of Aix. 



166 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 

for his services, retired with the forty* lances that 
accompanied him, and joined himself to Godfrey. 
New disputes of every kind arose among the leaders, 
and as Raimond of Toulouse affected a sort of spi- 
ritual superiority, as guardian of the holy lance that 
had been discovered at Antioch, its virtues and au- 
thenticity were manfully denied. Peter Barthelmy, 
who had found it, had vision after vision, till his 
-commerce with heaven drew so heavily on belief, 
that men, even the most superstitious, yielded him 
no further credit. The business was investigated, 
and Barthelmy brought before a sort of council of 
inquiry, wliere lie maintained his position, supported 
by the Count of Toulo^ise and liis chaplain, our worthy 
chronicler, Raimond d'Agiles, who, fully convinced 
of the truth of the miracle, unhappily proposed that 
his prot^g4 should prove his virtue by the fieiy 
ordeal.^ This was agreed to ; fasts and prayers suc- 
ceeded : Peter walked through the fire with the lance 
in his hand, got frightened, stopped in the middle, 
and was burned to death.'^ Some still believed ; and, 
declaring that their martyr had been pressed to 
death by the crowd,'* held to their credulity the more 
eagerly, because it was unsupported by any thing 
like reason. 

The fame of the Count of Toulouse suffered as 
much by the affair of the lance as by his deceit iu 
respect to Ghibel; and the crusaders, wearied with 
the delay before Archas, determined to raise the 
siege and proceed to Jerusalem. In the mean while, 
the emir^ of Tripoli,^ finding that the Christians were 
about to traverse his country, sent messengers to 
the leaders, begging them to spare his towns and 
fields, and offering abundant supplies, together with 
several rich presents. These proffers were so 

1 Raimond d'Agiles ; Albert of Aix. 2 Raimond d'Agiles. 

3 Fulcher ; Raoul of Caen. 4 Guibert ; Raimond. 

f> Albert of Aix ; Guibert ; Robert. Men. lib. viii. 
6 Mills follows Raimond d'Agiles. I have chosen the account of Al 
bert of Aii, because I find it better supported by evidMice. 



HISTORY OF CHIVALRY, 16"7 

favourably received that the emir even visited the 
camp of Godfrey himself, and concluded a treaty 
vi^hich was inviolably adhered to on both sides. 

At the same time^ the deputies who had been de- 
spatched to the calif of Egypt returned, with very 
unfavourable accounts of their entertainment. The 
Saracen monarch still offered to join his arms to those 
of the Christians, for the purpose of subduing Pales- 
tine; but it was evident that he proposed to enjoy the 
fruits of victory without participation. His envoys, 
and the presents which they bore, were sent back 
with scorn,- the crusaders declaring that they would 
conquer Jerusalem with the sword of Christ, and 
keep it with the same. Ambassadors from Alexius 
were received also under the walls of Archas ; and 
by their lips the perfidious emperor dared to re- 
monstrate against the cession of Antioch to Boe- 
mond, who by t«his time had expelled the troops of 
Raimond of Toulouse,^ and was in full possession of 
the town. 

The reply given to these messengers was not less 
haughty than that which had been sent to the calif.^ 
The emperor, the crusaders said, had broken his most 
sacred oaths ; he had neglected to succour them when 
succour was needful ; he had betrayed the cause of 
Christ, and violated his covenant with them. They 
could not, therefore, be bound by an engagement 
which he had not found binding on him ; and they 
would neither stay for his coming, as he desired, nor 
would they yield him what they had conquered with 
their own hands. 

These measures of decision having been taken, 
Godfrey and his companions set fire to their camp, 
and quitted the siege of Archas : many of the Pro- 
ven9als abandoned Raimond, and hastened after the 
rest ; and the count liimself,^ though unwiUingly, was 

1 William of Tyre. 2 Raimond d'Agiles. 

3 Fulcher : Raimond d'Agiles. •4_William of Tyre, lib. rii, 

* Robert. Mon. 



168 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 

obliged to follow. The noble sincerity and modera- 
tion of the crusaders in their conduct to the emir of 
Tripoli has not been dwelt upon sufficiently by those" 
authors who have lost no opportunity of pointing out 
their cruelties and excesses. They entered a rich 
and beautiful country, where spoil of every kind lay 
around them. The inhabitants were infidels, and had 
been enemies : but the host of the crusade passed 
through the whole without the slightest violation of 
their treaty.^ To prevent even casual injury, they 
encamped at a distance from the towns, waited for 
the supplies that had been promised them, and fol- 
lowed, with confidence and regularit}^, the guide who 
was appointed to conduct them through the land.^ 
When at war, the crusaders waged it with all the 
barbarity of the age — the slaughter of the infidel ad- 
versary was a virtue praised by historians, and sung 
by poets, and mercy would have been held a weak- 
ness : but with those to whom they had bound them- 
selves in peace, we seldom find that, as a body, they 
violated the most chivalric adherence to their pro- 
mises. 

In the neighbourhood of Tripoli, the Europeans first 
beheld the sugar-cane,^ and learned the method of 
preparing the valuable juice which has since been 
such an article of commerce in Europe. 

So great was the reliance between the people of 
Tripoli and the crusaders, that they mutually fre- 
quented the camp* and the city during the stay of the 
army. The emir also delivered from the chains in 
which they had long remained, three hundred Chris- 
tian pilgrims ; and, according to some authorities, 
promised to embrace the faith of his new aUies,^ in 
case they were ultimately successful. At the end of 
three days, the host of the Cross was once more in 
motion; and passing by Sidon, Acre, Ramula, and 

I Albert. 2 Wimam of Tyre ; Albert of Aix. 

» Albert 4 Robert ; Guibert. 5 Ibi4. 



HISTORY OF CHIVALRY Itj'J 

Emmaus, approached the city of Jerusalem.' At 
Emmaus, deputies arrived from the Christians of 
Bethlehem, praying for immediate aid against their in- 
fidel oppressors. Tancred was- in consequence sent 
forward with a hundred lances ; but the tidings of a 
deputation from Bethlehem spread new and strange 
sensations through the bosoms of the crusaders. 
That word Bethlehem, repeated through the camp, 
called up so many ideas connected with that sweet 
religion, which, however perverted, was still the 
thrilling faith of every heart around. The thoughts 
of their proximity to the Saviour's'^ birthplace, ba- 
nished sleep from every eyelid ; and before midnight 
was well past, the whole host was on foot towards 
Jerusalem. It was a lovely morning, we are told, in 
the summer time ; and after they had wandered on 
for some time in the darkness, the sun rushed inta 
the sky with the glorious suddenness of eastern dawn, 
and Jerusalem lay before their eyes. 

The remembrance* of all that that mighty city had 
beheld ; the enthusiasm of faith ; the memory of dan- 
gers, and ills, and fatigues, and privations, endured 
and conquered; the fulfilment of hope ; the gratifica- 
tion of long desire ; the end of fear and doubt ; com- 
bined in every bosom to call up the sublime of joy. 
The name was echoed by a thousand tongues — Je- 
rusalem! Jerusalem! Some shouted to the sky^^ 
some knelt and prayed ; some wept in silence ; and 
some cast themselves down and kissed the blessed 
earth. " All had much ado," says Fuller, with his 
emphatic plainness, "to manage so great a glad- 
ness."^ 

To rejoicing, at the sight of the Holy City, suc- 
ceeded wrath, at seeing it in the hands of the infidels. 
The army marched forward in haste, drove in some 
parties of Saracens, who had vauntingly come forth 

I Albert. 2 Raoul of Caen; Albert; Polcher, 

a Albert of Aix, lib. v. * Guibert. 

& Guibert, lib. Tii. ; Robert, « Holy W». 
P 



170 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 

from the gates ; and Jerusalem was invested on all 
sides. Some of the people, indeed, approached bare- 
foot, in deep humiliation, and in remembrance' of the 
sufFering-s of Him who had purchased salvation to a 
world by agony and deatli ; but tlie greater part of 
the soldiers advanced with purposes of wrath, and 
took up their various warlike positions round about 
the town. The attack was begun almost immedi- 
ately after the first preparations ; and Godfrey of 
Bouillon, Tancred, xhe Duke of Normandy, and Ro- 
bert of Flanders, by a vigorous effort, carried the 
barbicans, and reached the wall.^ A portion of this, 
also, was thrown down with axes and picks; and 
several knights, mounting by ladders^ to the top of 
the battlements, under a hail of arrows and Greek 
fire, fought for some time hand to hand with the 
Turks. 

At length, after many had fallen on both sides, it 
became evident to the leaders that nothing could be 
effected without the usual machines, and the assault 
was suspended. 

All the energies of the host were now employed in 
constructing implements of war. Timber was pro- 
cured from Sichon :* some Genoese seamen, having 
arrived at Jaffa, were pressed by the crasaders into 
the service of the Cross, and by their mechanical 
skill greatly facilitated the construction of the engines 
required. 

Catapults, mangonels,^ and large moveable towers 
were prepared, as in the siege of Nice ; and to these 
was added a machine called the sow, formed of wood, 
and covered with raw hides to protect it from fire, 
under cover of which soldiers were employed in un- 
dermining the walls.^ During the fabrication of 
these implements, a dreadful drought pervaded the 
army; and all the wells in the circumjacent country 

1 Raimond. 2 Robert ; Albert ; Guibert, lib vii. 

* fhilcher mentions several ladders, but says they were too few. 

■» Albert of Aix; Guibert. 6 Rairaond; Albert. 6 Albert of A^ 



HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 171 

having been filled up by the Turks, the only water 
that reached the camp was brought from far, and paid 
for as if each drop had been gold. The soldiers, un- 
able to procure it, wandered away in the search, or 
watched' the morning dew, and licked the very stones 
for moisture. Tice and immorality again grew pre- 
valent, and superstition was obliged to be called, in 
aid of virtue. 

From forty to sixty thousand men were all that re- 
mained of multitudes ; and it became obvious to the 
leaders that dissensions could no longer exist with- 
out hazarding their destruction. Tancred,^ the first 
in every noble act, set the example of conciliation, 
and embraced his foe P.aimond of Toulouse, in the 
sight of the whole army. An expiatory'^ procession 
was made by the chiefs, the soldiers, and the clergy, 
round the city of Jerusalem ; and prayers were of- 
fered up on each holy place in the neighbourhood for 
success in this last field. The Turks, on their part, 
forgetting the desperate valour which the crusaders 
had displayed on every occasion, beheld these cere- 
monies with contempt; and raising up the image of 
the Cross upon the w^alls, mocked the procession of 
the Christians, and threw dirt at the symbol of their 
faith. The wrath of the crusaders was raised to the 
uttermost, and the sacrilegious insult'*was remem- 
bered to be atoned in blood. 

The engines were at last completed, and the attack 
once more begun. The towers^ were rolled on to 
the walls, the battering-rams were plied incessantly, 
the sow was pushed on to the foundations ; and while 
the Saracens poured forth fire^ and arrows upon the 
besiegers, the crusaders waged the warfare with equal 
courage from their machines. Thus passed the whole 

1 Guibert; Albert. 2 Albert of Aix. 3 Raimond d'Agiles ; Guibert. 
" 4 Albert of Aix. 5 Raimond dAgiles ; Albert of Aix. 

6 Albert describes perfectly the effect of the Greek fire, and says it 
fiouid only be extinguished by the means of vinegar, which, on the secoiSj 
4ay, the crusaders provided in great quantities. 



172 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 

day in one of the most tremendous fights that the 
host of the Cross had ever sustained. Night fell, and 
the city was not taken. The walls of the town were 
much injured, as well as the engines used by the as- 
sailants ; but by the next morning both had been re 
paired, and the assault recommenced, and was re 
ceived with equal ardour.' The leaders of the Chri^ 
tian army occupied the higher stages of their move- 
able towers, and Godfrey of Bouillon himself,^ armed 
with a bow, was seen directing his shafts against all 
who appeared upon the walls. Such soldiers as the 
machines could not contain were ranged opposite the 
walls, urging the battering-rams, plying the mango- 
nels, and, by flights of arrows, covering the attack 
from the towers. The enthusiasm was great and 
general ; the old, the sick, and the feeble lent what 
weak aid they could, in bringing forward the mis- 
siles and other implements of war, while the women 
encouraged the warriors to daring, both by words 
and their example ; and hurried through the ranks, 
bearing water to assuage the thirst of toil and excite- 
ment. Still the Saracens resisted with desperate 
valour. For their homes and for their hearths they 
fought ; and so courageously, that w^hen more than 
half the day was spent, the host of the crusade was 
still repulsed in all quarters. At that moment a sol- 
dier was suddenly seen on Mount Olivet, waving on 
the crusaders to follow.^ How he had penetrated 
does not appear, or whether he was not the mere 
creature of fancy. The idea, at all events, instantly 
raised the fainting hopes of the Christians. Im- 
mense and almost supernatural efforts were made in 
every quarter ; the tower of Godfrey of Bouillon was 
rolled up till it touched the wall ; the moveable bridge 
was let down, and a knight called Lutold^ sprang 
upon the battlements — his brother followed — another 

> Raimond. 2 Guibert; Albert of Aix. 

3 Raimond d'Agiles ; William of Tyre. 
* Robert ; Guibert, lib. vii. ; Albert. 



HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 173 

and another came to his support. — Godfrey, Baldwin 
de Bourg, and Eustace de Bouillon rusheci in ; and 
the banner of the Cross announced to the anxious 
eyes of the army that Christians stood upon the bat- 
tlements of Jerusalem.^ Tancred and Robert of Nor- 
mandy burst open one of the gates, while Raimond 
of Toulouse, almost at the same instant,^ forced his 
way into another part of the city by escalade. The 
Turks fought^ for a time in the streets, but then fled 
to the mosques, and were in every direction massa- 
cred by thousands. It is dreadful to read of the blood 
which on that awful day washed the pavements of 
Jerusalem. The courts of the mosque of Omar floated 
in gore, and scarcely the most remote and obscure 
corners of the city gave shelter to an infidel head. 
The soldiers* remembered the impious mockeries 
with which the Turks had insulted the Cross, and 
the leaders believed that they Avere doing God good 
service in exterminating the blasphemous strangers 
who liad polluted the holy places of Jerusalem, per- 
secuted aud butchered the unhappy Christians of 
ludea, and desecrated the altars of God. To have 
spared tliem or their accursed race would have been 
itonsidered impious : and Godfrey himself not only en- 
•^t^uraged the slaughter, but aided with his own hand. 
An immense number of Saracens had betaken 
themselves to the temple of Soliman, as it was called,^ 
and there had prepared- to defend themselves to the 
last ; but the pursuers were too strong to be resisted, 
and nearly ten thousand men are said to have fallen 
in that building. Those even who had climbed to 
the roof were sought out the ne:!vt day,*^ and several. 

1 ]5th July. A. D. 1099. 2 GMiibert ; Raimond. 3 Albert ; Robert. 

•» Ibid ; Guibert. 5 Guibert ; Raimond d'Agiles ; Robert. 

6 Tancred and Gaston of Beam had promised quarter to these uti' 
happy wretches, and had given them a banner as a certain protecti<m. 
It was early the next morning, before those chiefs were awake, that this 
-massacre was committed by some of the more bloodthirsty of the cru» 
saders. Tancred was with great difficulty prevented from taking sig 
tt^l vengeance on the perpetrators of this crime. — Guibert: Albert 

?2 



174 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 

to avoid the sword, cast themselves down and were 
dashed to pieces. 

Some authors mention a second massacre,' and 
greatly exaggerate the butchery that was perpetrated. 
In regard to this second massacre, there is much his- 
torical evidence to show that no such event took 
place ; and I would fain believe that it was not the 
case. It cannot, however, be denied, that the most 
humane of the Christian leaders in that age were 
taught to look upon all mercy to the infidels as an 
injury to religion; and it is beyond doubt, that after 
the general slaughter committed on the capture of 
Jerusalem, Godfrey de Bouillon,^ with the other lead- 
ers and soldiers, washed away the marks of gore, 
cast off their armour, assumed the robe of penitents, 
and, going to the holy sepulchre, offered up their 
prayers to the mild Teacher of our beautiful reli- 
gion, convinced that they had accomplished a great 
and glorious work, and consummated an acceptable 
sacrifice in the blood of the infidels. 

Such was the doctrine M^hich, in that day, men were 
taught from their cradles : such the strange inter- 
pretation put upon the Gospel of Peace. 

' The story of the second massacre rests upon the authority of Albert 
of Aix, from whose writings it has been copied by all who have repeated 
it. Albert of Aix never visited the Holy Land. None of those who 
■were present at the fall of Jerusalem (that I can discover) make the 
slightest mention of such an occurrence ; and we have the strongest 
proof that part of Albert's story is false ; for he declares that all the Sa- 
racens were slaughtered in this second massacre, even tnose who had 
previously been promised protection ; and we know that many were 
sent to Ascalon.— See Guibcrt, lib. vii. Robert, who was present, 
speaks of many who were spared.- -Robprtus, lib. ix. Fulcher, who 
was in the country, if not present, does not allude to a second massacre. 
Raimond d'Agiles, who was a witness to the whole, passes it over in 
silence ; though each of these persons always speaks of the slaughter 
of the Saracens as the most praiseworthy of actions. The Archbishop 
of Tyre also, who copied Albert wherever he could be proved correct, 
has stamped doubt upon this anecdote by omittmg it entirely I have 
thought fit to notice this particularly, because Mills lays no small stress 
upon the tale. 

2 Guibert ; Albert ; William of Tyre. 



HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 175 



CHAPTER IX, 

Election of a King — Godfrey of Bouillon — Sketch of the History of Je- 
rusalem — Death of the chief Crusaders — New Bodies of Crtisdflers set 
out from Europe — Their Desti-uction in Asia Minor— Armed Pil 
grimages — The Northern ATmamenls— The Venetians — The Genoese 
and Pisans — Anecdotes of the Crusaders — Battle of the Children at 
Antioch—The Thafurs— Baldwin's Hjimanity well repaid — Super 
stitions — Armsofihc Crusaders — Of the Turks — Hospitallers — Tem- 
plars. 

The great end of the crusade was now accom- 
plished. Jerusalem was delivered from the hands of 
the infidels ; but much remained to be done. To 
conquer the Holy City had been a work of prodi- 
gious difficulty ; to keep it was perhaps more so ; 
and it became evident that its defences must be in- 
trusted to one powerful chief. For this purpose the 
several leaders who had formed the general council 
of the crusade met to elect a King- of Jerusalem. 
The nomination to that high office was so extraor- 
dinary an honour, that the writers of each nation 
whose forces contributed to the crusade have de- 
clared their own particular prince to have been 
chosen ;' and, as it was known that none of these 
did actually reign, they have furnished each with a 
suitable excuse for declining the distinguished task. 
It is probable, however, that the choice of the as- 
sembly really fixed at once upon the only person 
fitted for the office ; and (to combine the words of 
Fulcher and Robert the Monk) that, " considering 
the excellence of his nobility,^ his valour as a knight, 
his gentleness and patient modesty, as well as the 
purity of his morals, Godfrey of Bouillon was elected 
king by the whole people composing the army of 
God, with the unanimous wish, tlie general consent, 

1 See Raimond d'Agilcs ; Giiilwrt ; Albert : Brompton ; William ol 
Malmsbury. 2 Fulclier, cap. 18 ; Robert. Mon. lib. ix. 



176 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 

and the judgment of all." Various clerical cabals 
followed for the dig-nity of patriarch, of which it is 
not necessary to speak here. 

Scarcely was the new monarch^ seated on his 
throne, when the gathering forces of the Moslems 
called him again into the field. With the wise po- 
licy of activity, Godfrey did not wait to be besieged 
in Jerusalem, but marching out with all the troops 
he could muster, he advanced towards Ascalon, 
>vhere a large infidel army had assembled, attacked 
and routed it completely, and thus secured the con- 
quest he had gained.^ But the virtues of Godfrey 
Were not long destined to bless, or his talents to 
protect, the new kingdom of Jerusalem.'* In the 
month of July, 1100, he was seized with a severe 
illness, on his return from a distant expedition, and in 
a few days the throne of the Holy Land was vacant. 

Such an vmexpected event of course spread dis- 
sension and consternation among the crusaders. 
Tancred, who was at Jerusalem, and from his great 
military name enjoyed no small power, offered the 
crown to Boemond, and beyond all doubt would have 
succeeded in causing his election, had Boemond been 
able to accept immediately the sceptre thus held out 
to him.'^ But the Prince of Antioch^ was at the 
moment a prisoner in the hands of some Armenian 
Turks.'^ The Patriarch, on his part, endeavoured 
to raise Jerusalem into a simple hierarchy,'' and to 
unite the crown with the mitre. The partisans of 
the Count of Toulouse also struggled in his behalf 

1 Godfrey appears never to have taken the title of kjng, from a feeling 
of religious humility. 2 Robert. 3 Albert ; Will. Tyr. 4 Albert 

5 Il,e was taken, after having suffered a complete defeat from the emir 
Damjsman, as he was hastening to the succour of Gabriel of Armenia. 

6 Will'. Tyren. ; Radulph. ; Cadom. 

7 Arnould, one of the most corrupt priests in the army, had been 
elected patriarch, but was deposed almost immedia^tely ; and Daimbert, 
who arrived from Rome as legate, was chosen in his stead. This 
Daimbert it is of whom I speak above. He seems to have oonoeived, 
from the first, the idea of making Jerusalem an eastern Rome, and 
wrung many concessions frorn Go/J,frey, which vvere little respected by 
that chief's si}t;co,ssors. 



HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 177 

fo the supreme power ; but in the end, Baldwin, 
Pnnce of Edessa, the brother of Godfrey, was elected, 
and after some intriguing on the part of the Patri- 
arch, was anointed King of Jerusalem. 

It does not enter into the plan of this book to give 
a history of Jerusalem under its Latin kings : I shall, 
however, briefly notice each, that the occasion and 
object of the after-crusades may be properly under- 
stood. 

Baldwin, on his election,* displayed virtues that 
had slumbered, and lost vices that had been displayed 
on other occasions. He extended the boundaries of 
his kingdom, humbled its Saracen enemies, instituted 
wise and salutary laws, and showed firmness, mode- 
ration, and activity in his new station, as well as the 
great military skill and enterprising spirit he had 
formerly evinced. He took Assur,^ Cesarea, and 
Acre ; and added Beritus, Sidon, and several other 
places to the kingdom of Jerusalem. At length, in 
the execution of a bold expedition into Egypt, Bald- 
win died, and his body, after being embalmed, by his 
own particular direction, was carried back to the 
Holy City. 

Baldwin de Bourg, who, on the elevation of Bald- 
win I. to the throne of Jerusalem, had received the 
principality of Edessa, was now called to the vacant 
throne, and proved himself one of the wisest and 
most valiant of the Latin sovereigns of Judea. He 
also greatly extended the limits of his dominions ; 
but in passing between Turbessel and Edessa, ac- 
companied by a few soldiers only,^ and unsuspicious 
of any ambuscade, he was suddenly surrounded, and 
carried a prisoner to Khortopret, where hs remained 
in close confinement for several years. During his 
imprisonment Tyre was added to the territories of 
Jerusalem,* and various successful battles were 

1 William of Tyre. 

2 Hist. Hieros. ; Jacob. lib. i.; William of Tyre; Fulcher; Albert. 

3 Will, of Tyre ; Fulcher of Cliartres. 4 Fulcher. 



178 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 

fought against the Moslems. After his liberation, 
he offered the hand of his daughter to Fov-lk of 
Anjou, who had some time before visited Jerusalem 
upon an armed pilgrimage. The Count of Anjou 
gladly accepted the proposal, and returning to the 
Holy Land, espoused Melesinda, soon after which 
he ascended the throne of Jerusalem, on the death 
of Baldwin. Foulk combined many virtues ; was 
kind,, affable, and humane, as well as skilful and 
courageous in the jfield. After a reign of thirteen 
years he left the kingdom to his son, entire, indeed, 
but neither more extended in territory, nor more 
consolidated in power, than when he received it. 

Baldwin III. succeeded ; at the time of his acces- 
sion being but a boy. Dissensions and animosities 
raged among all the feudal dependants of the 
crown of Jerusalem.^ The Moslems scattered 
through the country, and girding it on every side, 
took advantage of each new dispute to harass their 
Latin invaders with desultory warfare. The empe- 
rors of the east strove continually to wrest some- 
thing of their old possessions from the descendants 
of the crusaders, and thus divided the forces, and 
paralyzed all the efforts made by the Christians to 
establish and secure their yet infirm dominion. At 
length Zenghi, emir of Aleppo, and Mosul marched 
against Edessa, the government of which principality 
had been transferred, on tlie accession of Baldwin de 
Bourg to the throne of Jerusalem, to Joscelyn de 
Courtenay, and from him had descended to his son. 
The son had not inherited the virtues or the valour 
of his father ; and while Zenghi attacked, stormed, 
and took Edessa, he was rioting in debaucheries at 
Turbessel. So severe a reverse spread consternation 
through Palestine. Others, though of a less impor- 
tant nature, followed ; and the news of these mis- 
fortunes soon reached Europe, where it gave matter 

> WjlljamofTyre. ^ His^t, Iliero--. ; Jacob. Vit. ; Will.ofTyrg 



HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 17§ 

to the eloquence of St. Bernard, and occasion for a 
new crusade. 

Long before this period, all the chiefs who had at 
first led the armies of the Cross to Jerusalem had 
tasted of the cup reserved for all men, and few Words 
will end the history of each. Godfrey, Baldwin, and 
Baldwin de Bourg we have already conducted to the 
tomb. Boemond, as I haVe said, fell into the hands 
of the Moslems ; find after a captivity of two years, 
was permitted to pay a ransom, and return to his prin*- 
cipality. On arriving-, he found that his noble rela- 
tive, Tancred, had not only preserved, but increased 
his territories during his absence ; and after several 
years continual warfare with Alexius on the one hand^ 
and the Moslems on the other, mingled with opposi- 
tion to the King of Jerusalem, Boemond sailed for 
Europe. There the fame he had acquired obtained 
for him the hand of Constantia,' daug-hter of the King 
of France. Her younger sister, Cecilia, was bestowed 
upon Tancred, who had remained in the government 
of Antioch. 

By the aid of France^ Boemond raised large forces^ 
and landing in Greece, ravaged the dominions of 
Alexius, who was at length fain to conclude a peace' 
with the powerful and enterprising ItaUan. The 
Prince of Antioch then sent forward the greater part 
of his troops to the Holy Land, while he himself re- 
turned to Italy to prepare for the same journey* 
Death, however, staid hi^ progress ;•* for, after a short 
illness, he ended his career in Apulia, in 1109.^ Tan-^ 
cred still survived, and defended constantly the ter- 
ritories of his cousin against every attack for three 
years after the decease of Boemond. At last the 

1 Fulcher ; Albert. 2 Raoul of Caen; Will. Tyr. ; FUlcheY. 

3 Guibert, lib. vii. 4 Will, of Tyr. ; Guibert. 

5 Guibert says that Boemond died from the effects of poison. Other 
atlthors declare that grief for having been obliged to enter into a less 
advantageous treaty with Alexius than he had anticipated occasioned 
his death ; but, from his whole history, 1 should not look upon Boemond 
fes a man LJrely to die of grief. 



180 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 

consequences of a wound he had received some time 
before proved fatal, and the noblest and most chival- 
rous of all the Christian warriors died in the prime of 
his days. On his death-bed he called to him his wife, 
and Pontius, tlie son of the Prince of Tripoh,' and, 
aware of the necessity of union among the Christians, 
he recommended strongly their marriage, after death 
should have dissolved the ties between himself and 
Cecilia. The government of Antioch he bequeathed 
to his cousin Roger ;- but, with the same noble in- 
tegrity which he had displayed through life, he made 
the new regent promise, that in case the son of Boe- 
mond should ever come to claim those territories, 
they should be resigned to him without dispute. 
Thus died Tancred ; who, from all that we read of 
the crusaders, was, with the exception of Godfrey, 
the noblest of the followers of the Cross^ — a gallant 
leader, a disinterested man, a generous friend, a true 
knight. 

Previous to his death, however, he had been en- 
gaged in all the great events in Palestine. After the 
election of Godfrey, and the battle of Ascalon, the 
other chiefs of the crusade had either returned to 
Europe or spread themselves over the country, in 
pursuit of their own schemes of private ambition, 
leaving the new kingdom of Jerusalem to be supported 
by its king and Tancred, with an army of less than 
three thousand men. This penury of forces how- 
ever, did not long continue, or the Holy Land must 
soon have resumed the yoke it had thrown off. The 
spirit of pilgrimage was still active in Europe ; and 
combined with this spirit was the hope of gain, spring- 
ing from vague and exaggerated accounts of the 
wealth and the principalities which the leaders of 
the first expedition had acquired. 

1 He was the grandson of that Raimond, Count of Toulouse, of whose 
conduct I have so often had occasion to speak already, and whose peFse> 
Terance against Tripoli will be mentioned hereafter, 

2 Will. TjT. 



HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 181 

Pilgrimag-es now differed from those that had pre- 
ceded the conquest of Jerusalem, in being armed ; 
and many bodies, of several thousand men each, 
arrived both by sea and land, and proved exceedingly 
serviceable in peopling the devastated lands of Pa- 
lestine. Various larger enterprises, more deserving 
the name of crusades, were planned and attempted, 
which it would be endless to name, and tedious to 
recount. Nearly five hundred thousand people set 
out from Europe for Syria,' and to these several of 
those crusaders who had go)ie back to Europe joined 
themselves, urged either by shame for their former 
desertion, or by the hope of obtaining easier con- 
quests, and less dangerous honours. Of these, then, 
I will speak first, before noticing more particularly 
the armed pilgrimages, in order that I may trace to 
the end all those leaders of the first crusade who 
died in the Holy Land. The first great expedition 
set out not many years after the taking of Jerusalem, 
and consisted of several smaller ones from various 
countries, which united into larger bodies as they 
proceeded, and endeavoured to force their way 
through Asia Minor. At the head of tnese armies 
were Count Albert,^ of Lombardy ; Conrad, Constable 
of the Western Empire ; Stephen, Count of Blois, 
whom we have seen flying from the land to which 
shame now drove him back ; Stephen, Duke of Bur- 
gundy ; the Bishops of Laon and of Milan ; the Duke 
of Parma ; Hugh, Count of Yermandois,' who now 
again turned towards Jerusalem ; and the Count of 
Nevers: as well as William, Count of Poitiers; 
Guelf, Duke of Bavaria; and Ida, Marchioness of 
Austria. At Constantinople the first division met 
with Raimondof Toulouse,"* who had returned to that 
city from the Holy Land, in search of aid to pursue 
the schemes of a grasping and ambitious spirit. 
The new crusaders put themselves, in some degree, 

1 Fulcher ; Albert of Aix ; William of Tyre. 

' Albert of Aix ; William of Tyre 3 Fulcher. 4 Albert of Aix 



182 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY 

under his command and guidance ; but their first step 
was to disobey his orders, and to take the way of 
Paphlagonia, instead of following the track of the 
former crusade. They were for many days harassed 
in their march by the Turks, then exposed to famine 
and drought, and finally attacked and cut to pieces 
by Kilidge Asian, who revenged, by the death of more 
than a hundred thousand Christians,' all the losses 
they had caused him to undergo. The principal 
leaders made good their escape, first to Constan- 
tinople, and then to Antioch ; except Hugh of Ver- 
mandois, who died of his wound at Tarsus. The 
Count of Nevers,^ who commanded the second body, 
met the same fate as the rest, and followed them to 
Antioch, after the destruction of his whole force. 
William of Poitiers, with the Duke of Bavaria and 
the Marchioness Ida, were also encountered by the 
victorious Saracens, and their defeat added another 
to the triumphs of the infidels and to the Christian 
disasters. The Duke of Bavaria, stripping himself 
of his arms, fled to the mountains, and made his es- 
cape. The precise fate of Ida of Austria remained 
unknown ; but it appears certain she was either suf- 
fered to die in captivity, or was crushed to death 
under the horses' feet.'* The Count of Poitiers, com- 
pletely destitute of all resources, and separated from 
his companions, wandered on foot till he arrived at 
Antioch,^ where he was kindly received by Tancred, 
still alive, and met the other chiefs who had encoun- 
tered disasters like his own.^ The principal leaders 
proceeded straight to Jerusalem, with the exception 
of Raimond of Toulouse, who had long fixed his 
heart upon the conquest of the rich tract of Tripoli, 
which he attempted for some time in vain. Death 
staid him in his progress,^ and Baldwin succeeded in 
accomplishing what he had designed ; after which 
the king erected the territory acquired into a feudal 

i Fulcher; Albert. 2 Albert. 3 Albert of Aix. * Fulcher, 

Albert. 6 Fulcher, cap. 35, A. D. 1105. 



HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 183 

county, which was bestowed upon the son of the de- 
ceased Raimond. 

In the mean while Stephen, Count of Blois, reached 
Jerusalem ; and having, by a second completed 
pilgrimage, wiped out, as he thought, the disgrace 
of having quitted the first crusade, he embarked, 
with William of Poitiers, to return to Europe. A 
contrary wind, however, drove back the vessel into 
Jaffa,' and here Stephen found himself called upon to 
join Baldwin in an attack upon the Turks. The 
king advanced with only seven hundred knights,^ de- 
ceived by reports of the enemy's weakness ; but in 
the plains of Ramula he found himself suddenly op- 
posed to the whole Turkish army. The spirit of 
Chivalry forbade his avoiding the encounter, and in 
a short time the greater part of his force was cut to 
pieces. He himself, with his principal knights, made 
their way to the castle of Ramula, from which he 
contrived to escape alone. The rest were taken, 
fighting bravely for their hves ; and though some 
were spared, Stephen of Blois*^ was one of several 
who were only reserved for slaughter. Thus died 
the leaders of the first crusade who met their fate in 
Palestine, and thus ended the greater and more 
general expeditions which had been sanctioned by 
the council of Clermont, and excited by the preach- 
ing of Peter the Hermit. The ultimate fate of that 
extraordinary individual himself remains in darkness. 
On the capture of Jerusalem, when the triumphant 
Europeans spread themselves through the city, the 
Christian inhabitants flocked forth to acknowledge 
and gratulate their deliverers.'* Then it was that all 
the toils and dangers which the Hermit had endured, 
were a thousand fold repaid, and that all his enthu- 
siasm met with its reward. The Christians of Jeru- 
salem instantly recognised the poor pilgrim who had 
first spoken to them words of hope, and had promised 

» Fulcher, cap. 27. 2 Albert, lib. ix. ; Piilcher. 

9 Albert ; Fulcher. "* J^mes of VUrv ; Hist. Hieros. ab 



184 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 

them, in their misery under the Turkish oppression, 
that aid and dehverance wliich had at length so glo- 
riously reached them.' In the fervour of their grati- 
tude they attributed all to him ; and, casting them- 
selves at his feet, called the blessing of Heaven on 
the head of their benefactor. After that period Peter 
is mentioned several times by the historians of Jeru- 
salem ;^ and we find that he certainly did act a very 
principal part in the clerical government of the city.^ 
Whether he returned to Europe or not I confess I do 
not know. He is said to have founded the abbey of 
Montier, in France, and to have died there ; but this 
rests upon no authority worthy of confidence. 

In the meanwhile, many of the Christians who had 
escaped the active swords of the Saracens in Asia 
Minor made their way to Jerusalem, and served to 
people and protect the land. Various armaments, 
also, arrived at the different seaports, bearing each 
of them immense numbers of mihtary pilgrims, who, 
after having visited the holy places, never failed to 
offer their services to the king of Jerusalem, for the 
purpose of executing any single object that might be 
desirable at the time. 

Three only of these bodies are worthy of particular 
notice, that of the English, Danes,'' and Flemings, 
who assisted Baldwin at the unsuccessful siege of 
Sidon — the Noi-wegian expedition which succeeded 
in taking that city — and that of the Venetians, who 
afterward aided in the capture of Tyre. The Ge- 
noese^ and the Pisans, also, from time to time sent 
out vessels to the coast of Palestine; but these 
voyages, which combined in a strange manner the 
purposes of traffic, superstition, and warfare, tended 

' Hist. Hieros. abrev. 

2 Mills says that the last historical mention of Peter is that which re- 
lates to his recognition by the Christians of Jerusalem ; but such is not 
the case. We find him mentioned as a very influential person on the 
occasion of the battle of Ascalon.— See RaimovdiVAgiles; Guibert, lib. vii. 

3 Guibert, 1 D. vii. 4 Albert of Aix, lib. x. ; William of Tyre. 
5 Fuicher ; William of Tyre. 



HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 185 

rather to the general prosperity of the country by 
commerce, and to its protection, by bringing conti- 
nual recruits, than to any individual enterprise or 
conquest. 

Many anecdotes are told of the first crusaders by 
their contemporary historians, which — though resting 
on evidence so far doubtful as to forbid their intro- 
duction as absolute facts — I shall mention in exem- 
plification of the manners and customs of the time. 

The number of women and children who followed 
the first crusaders to the Holy Land is known to have 
been immense ; but it is not a little extraordinary, 
that in spite of all the hardships and dangers of the 
way, a great multitude of both arrived safe at Jeru- 
salem. The women we find, on almost all occasions, 
exercising the most heroic firmness in the midst of 
battles and destruction ; and Guibert gives a curious 
account of the military spirit which seized upon the 
children during the siege of Antioch. The boys of 
the Saracens and the young crusaders, armed with 
sticks for lances, and stones instead of arrows, would 
issue from the town and the camp, and under leaders 
chosen from among themselves,' who assumed the 
names of the principal chiefs, would advance in 
regular squadrons, and fight in the sight of the two 
hosts, with a degree of rancour which showed to whj;it 
a pitch the mutual hatred of the nations was carried. 
Even after the crusaders had fallen in battle or had 
died of the pestilence, their children still pursued 
their way, and getting speedily accustomed to fatigue 
and privation, evinced powers of endurance equal to 
those of the most hardy warriors. 

With the army of the Cross also was a multitude 
of men — the same author declares — who made it a 
profession to be without money ; they walked bare- 
foot, carried no arms, and even preceded the beasts of 
burden in the march, living upon roots and herbs, and 

I Guibort, lib. vii. 

Q2 



186 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 

presenting a spectacle both disgusting and pitiable. A 
Norman/ who, according to all accounts, was of noble 
birth, but who, having lost his horse, continued to fol- 
low as a foot-soldier, took the strange resolution of 
putting himself at the head of this race of vagabonds, 
who willingly received him for their king. Among the 
Saracens these men became well known, under the 
name of Thafurs (which Guibert translates Tru- 
dentes), and were held in great horror from the 
general persuasion that they fed on the dead bodies 
of their enemies : a report which was occasionally 
justified, and which the king of the Thafurs took care 
to encourage. This respectable monarch was fre- 
quently in the habit of stopping his followers one by 
one, in any narrow defile, and of causing them to be 
searched carefully, lest the possession of the least 
sum of money should render them unworthy of the 
name of his subjects.^ If even two sous were found 
upon any one, he was instantly expelled from the 
society of his tribe, the king bidding him, contemptu- 
ously, buy arms and fight. 

This troop, so far from being cumbersome to the 
army, was infinitely serviceable, carrying burdens, 
bringing in forage, provisions, and tribute, working 
the machines in the sieges, and, above all, spreading 
consternation among the Turks, who feared death 
from the lances of the knights less than that further 
consummation, they heard of, under the teeth of the 
Thafurs. 

Mercy towards the Turks was considered, by the 
contemporary clergy, to whom we owe all accounts 
of the crusades, as so great a weakness, that perhaps 
fewer instances of it are on record than really took 
place ; for we seldom find any mention of clemency 
to an infidel, without blame being attached to it. 
Thus the promise of Tancred to save the Turks on 
the roof of the temple is highly censured, as well as 

! Guibert. lib. vii. 2 ibid. 



HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 187 

the act of the Count of Toulouse, in granting their 
lives to some five hundred wretches, who had taken 
refuge in the Tower of David. 

One deed of this kind is told of Baldwin I., more 
as in its consequences it saved the king's person, 
than as any thing praiseworthy in itself. Pass- 
ing along one day on horseback, after his troops 
had been employed in wasting the country, Bald- 
win is said to have met with an Arabian woman, 
who had been taken in labour by the way.^ He co- 
vered her with his own cloak, ordered her to be pro- 
tected by his attendants, and having left her with 
two skins of water, and two female camels, he pur- 
sued his march. The chances of the desultory war- 
fare of those times soon brought back her husband 
to the spot, and his gratitude was the more ardent 
as the benefit he had received was unusual and unex- 
pected. After the fatal day of Ramula, while Bald- 
win, with but fifty companions, besieged in the ill- 
fortified castle of that place, was dreaming of no- 
thing but how to sell his life dearly, a single Arab 
approached the gates in the dead of the night, and 
demanded to speak with the king. He was in con- 
sequence brought to Baldwin's presence,^ where he 
recalled to his mind the kindness once shown to 
the Arab woman, his wife ; and then offered to lead 
him safely through the lines of the enemy. The 
fate of Palestine at that moment hung upon Bald- 
win's life, and, trusting himself in the hands of the 
Arab, he was faithfully conducted to his own camp,^ 
where he appealed, says William of Tyre, like the 
morning star breaking through the clouds. 

Superstition, which in that age was at its height in 
Europe, was, of course, not unknown in Palestine, 
and all sorts of visions were seen. Battles, accord- 
ing to the monkish accounts, were won by relics and 

i William of Tyre. 

2 Albert of Aix and Fulcher give a different account of Baldwin's escape 

** Will. Tyr. lib. x. 



188 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 

prayers more than by swords and lances. A part of 
the Holy Cross was said to be found in Jerusalem, a 
thousand more martyrs were dug up than ever were 
buried, and we find one of the bishops ferens in 
pyxide lac sanctcB Marice Virginis. Ghosts' of saints, 
too, were seen on every occasion, and the Devil him- 
self, in more than one instance, appeared to the cru- 
saders, tempting them with consummate art to all 
kinds of crimes. The evil spirit, however, often — 
indeed generally — found himself cheated by his vic- 
tims in the end, who, by repentance, gifts to the 
church, and fanatical observances, easily found 
means to " swear the seal from off their bond." 

The appearance of an army in the times of the first 
crusade was highly gorgeous and magnificent.^ The 
number of banners of purple and gold, and rich 
colours — each feudal baron having the right to bear 
his banner to the field — rendered the Christian host 
in full array as briglit a spectacle as the sun could 
shine upon. The armour of the knights also gave a 
glittering and splendid effect to the scene ; nor was 
this armour as has been represented, entirely of that 
kind called chain mail, which formed the original 
hauberk. It varied according to various nations, 
and it is evident from the continual mention of the 
corslet or breastplate, by all the authors I have had 
occasion to cite in this work, that that piece of plate 
armour was used during the first crusade.'' It is pro- 
bable, however, that the armour generally worn was 
principally linked mail, which, in the case of the 
knights, enveloped the whole body, being composed 
of a shirt of rings, with hose, shoes, and gauntlets, 
)f the same materials. The helmet might also be 

» Albert ; Raimond d'Agiles ; Fulcher ; William of Tyre ; Guibert. 

2 Albert of Aix; Raimond d'Agiles ; Guibert. 

3 Mills is wrong in supposing that plate armour was not at all known 
•efore the beginning of the thirteenth century. As far back as the time 
•»f Louis the Debonair, the Monk of St. Grail gives a full description of 
ft man in plate armour, and also mentions the barb, or iron covering of 
the horse. 



HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 1S9 

covered with a chain hood, which completed the dress. 
In addition to this, it is not unlikely that a cuirass 
was frequently worn with the shirt, as we find, from 
the poem of William the Breton on Philip Augustus, 
that it was even then a common practice to wear a 
double plastron or cuirass, though plate armour had 
returned into common use. The shield, charged with 
some design, but certainly not with regular armorial 
bearings, together with the lance, sword, and mace, 
completed the arms, oftensive and defensive, of a 
knight of that day.^ I cannot find that either the bat- 
tle-axe or the armour for the horse is mentioned 
during the crusade ; yet we know that both had been 
made use of long before. The foot-soldiers were in 
some cases allowed to wear a shirt of mail, but not 
a complete hauberk, and were armed with pikes, 
bciws, and crossbows; though it would seem that 
they gained their knowledge of the latter instrument 
from the Saracens, there being several lamentations, 
in all the accounts of their first entrance into Asia 
Minor, over their unskilfulness in the use of the arbalist. 
The luxury with which the Christians marched to 
the crusade may be conceived from the narrative 
given by Albert of Aix, of the rout of the troops of 
Conrad and his companions, who followed to the 
Holy Land, immediately after the capture of Jerusa- 
lem. Among the spoils taken by the Turks, he men- 
tions ermines,^ sables, and all kinds of rich furs, 
purple and gold embroidery, and an incalculable 
quantity of silver. The roads, he says, were so 
strewed with riches, that the pursuers trod upon no- 
thing but besants and other pieces of money, precious 
stones, vases of gold and silver, and every sort of 
silk and fine stuff. 
The Turks proceeded to battle with even greater 

1 See, for these particulars, the Monk of St. Gall ; Albert of Aix: Rai- 
mond d'Agiles; Fulcher; Guilert ; William of Brittany ; Menestner; 
St. T^alaye ; Ducange. 

2 Alberi of Aix, lib. viii. 



190 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 

magnificence ; and, after the victories of Antioch and 
Ascalon, we read continually of invaluable booty, 
jewels, golden helmets and armour standards of sil- 
ver, and scimitars of unknown worth. The arms of 
the Turks were lighter, in all probability, than those 
of the Christians, and in general consisted of thp 
sword and the bow, in the use of which they werf 
exceedingly skilful.^ We find, however, that the va- 
rious nations of which the Mahommedan armies were 
composed used very different weapons ; though all 
were remarkable for the manner in which they eluded 
their enemies, by their skill in horsemanship, and the 
fleetness of their chargers. One nation, mentioned 
by Albert of Aix under the title of Azoparts, are 
called the invincible, and were furnished with heavy 
maces, with which they aimed at the heads of the 
horses, and seldom failed to bring them down. 

After the conquest of Palestine by the Christians,* 
the surrounding tribes continued to wage an unceas- 
ing war against their invaders ; but nevertheless many 
of the Mussulman towns within the limits of the 
kingdom of .Jerusalem submitted to the conquerors, 
and were admitted to pay tribute. A free communi- 
cation also took place between the followers of the 
two religions, and a greater degree of connexion be- 
gan to exist than was very well consistent with the 
fanaticism of either people. A mixed race even 
sprang up from the European ' and Asiatic population, 
the children of parents from different continents being 
called Pullani. At the same time the country was 
governed by European laws,^ which, not coming 
within the absolute scope of this book, I must avoid 
treating of, from the very limited space to which I 
am obliged to confine myself. Suffice it to say, that 
Godfrey of Bouillon, among the first cares of govern- 

1 Fulcher ; Guibert. 

2 Albert of Aix ; Fulcher; Robertiis Monachus. 

3 Fulcher ; Williain of Tyre ; Albert. * Ducange; 
6 Assizes par Thaumassiere 



HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 191 

ment, appointed a commission to inquire into the laws 
and customs of the various nations which formed the 
population of the country he was called to rule. 
From the investigation thus entered into was drawn 
up an admirable code of feudal law, under the title of 
Assizes de Jerusalem. Two institutions of a strictlj- 
chivalrous nature, which were founded, properlj 
speaking, between the first and second crusades,' j 
must mention here, as all the after-history of knight 
hood is more or less connected with their progress. 
I mean the two military orders of the Hospital and 
the Temple. 

The spirit of religious devotion and military fervour 
had been so intimately united during the whole of the 
crusade, that the combination of the austere rules of 
the monk, with the warlike activity of the soldier, 
seems to have been a necessary consequence of the 
wars of the Cros^. 

Long previous to the crusade, some of the citizens 
of Amalfi having been led to Jerusalem,^ partly from 
feelings of devotion, partly in the pursuit of com- 
merce, had witnessed the misery to which pilgrims 
were exposed on their road to the Holy Land, and 
determined to found an hospital in which pious tra- 
vellers might be protected and solaced after their 
arrival at the end of their journey. The influence 
which the Italian merchants possessed through their 
commercial relations at the court of the calif, easily 
obtained permission to establish the institution pro- 
posed. A piece of ground near the supposed site of 
the holy sepulchre was assigned to them, and the 
chapel and hospital were accordingly built, at dif- 
ferent times, and placed under the patronage, the 
one of St. Mary, and the other of St. John the Al- 
moner. 

A religious house was also constructed for those 
charitable persons, of both sexes, who choscto dedi- 

I William of Tyre, lib. xvlii. 2 Vertot 



192 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 

cate themselves to the service of the pilgrims, and 
who, on their admission, subjected themselves to the 
rule of St. Benedict. All travellers, whether Greeks 
or Latins, were received into the hospital ; and the 
monks even extended their charitable care to the sick 
or poor Mussulmans who surrounded them. 

During the siege of Jerusalem by the crusaders, all 
the principal Christians of the town were thrown into 
prison ; among others, the abbot (as he is called by 
James of Vitry)' of the monastery of St. John. He 
was a Frenchman by birth, named Gerard ; and, after 
the taking of the cit)^ was liberated, with other Chris- 
tian prisoners, and returned to the duties of his 
office, in attending the sick and wounded crusaders 
who were brought into the Hospital. After the bat- ■ 
tie of Ascalon, Godfrey visited the establishment, 
where he still found many of the followers of the 
crusade, who, struck with admiration at the institu- 
tion, and filled with gratitude for the services they 
had received, determined to embrace the order, and 
dedicate their lives also to acts of charity. Godfrey, 
as a reward for the benefits which these holy men 
had conferred on his fellow-christians, endowed the 
Hospital (now in a degree separated from the abbey 
of St. Mary) with a large estate, in his hereditary 
dominions in Brabant. Various other gifts M'ere 
added by the different crusaders of rank ; andtlie Poor 
Brothers of the Hospital of St. John began to find 
themselves a rich and flourishing community. It 
was at this period that they first took the black habit 
and the white cross of eight points, and subjected 
themselves, by peculiar vows, to the continual at- 
tendance on pilgrims and sick persons.^ Pascal H. 
soon after bestowed upon the order several valuable 
privileges, among which were, exemption from all 
tithes, the right of electing their own superior, and 
absolute immunity frpm all secular or clerical inter- 

1 Hist. Hierosol.: Jacob. Vitri. Vertot Preuvo' 



HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 193 

ference. The constant resort of pilgrims to the Holy 
Land not only increased the wealth of the Hospi- 
tallers, but spread their fame to other countiies. 
Princes and kings conferred lands and benefices upon 
them, and the order began to throw out ramifications 
into Europe, where hospitals, under the same rule, 
were erected, and may be considered as the first com- 
manderies of ihe institution. 

At the death of Gerard, which took place almost 
immediately after that of Baldwin I., Raimond 
Dupuy, one of the crusaders who had attached him- 
self to the Hospital on having been cured of his 
wounds received at the siege of Jerusalem, was 
elected master, and soon conceived the idea of ren- 
dering the wealth and number of the Hospitallers 
serviceable to the state in other ways than those 
which they had hitherto pursued. His original pro- 
fession of course led him to the thought of combin- 
ing war with devotion, and he proposed to his bre- 
thren to reassume the sword, binding themselves, how- 
ever, by a vow, to draw it only against the enemies 
of Christ. In what precise year the Hospitallers 
first appeared in arras is not very clearly ascertained ; 
but it is a matter of no moment, and it is certain that 
they became a military body during the reign of 
Baldwin du Bourg.' 

The order of St. John was then divided into three 
classes, knights, clergy, and serving brothers. Each 
of these classes still, when absent from the field, 
dedicated themselves to the service of the sick ; but 
the knights were chosen from the noble or military 
rank of the Hospitallers, and commanded in battle 
and in the hospital. The clergy, besides the ordi- 
nary duties of their calling, followed the armies as 
almoners and chaplains; and the serving brothers 
fought under the knights in battle, or obeyed their 
directions in their attendance on the sick. At first. 



> Vertot. 

R 



194 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 

the garments and food of these grades were the 
same. The vows also were alike to all, and im- 
plied chastity, obedience to their superior and to the 
council, together with individual poverty. 

The objects now proposed were war against the 
infidels, and protection and comfort to the Christian 
pilgrims. The knights were bound by strict and 
severe rules ; they were enjoined to avoid all luxury, 
to travel two or three together, seeking only such 
lodging in the various towns as was provided for 
them by their community, and burning a light during 
the night, that they might be always prepared against 
the enemy. Their faults' were heavily punished by 
fasts, by imprisonments, and even by expulsion from 
the order ; and they were taught to look for no re- 
ward but from on high. Nevertheless, before the 
good Bishop of Acre composed his curious work on 
the Holy Land, probably about the year 1228, the 
Hospitallers, he tells us, were buying for themselves 
castles and towns, and submitting territories to their 
authority like the princes of the earth. 

The origin of the order of Red-cross Knights, or 
Templars, was very different, though its military 
object was nearly the same. The Christian power 
in Palestine was probably as firmly established at the 
time of Baldwin du Bourg, as during any other pe- 
riod of its existence ; yet the mixture of the popula- 
tion, the proximity of a thousand inimical tribes, the 
roving habits of the Turks, who — generally worsted 
by the Christians in the defence of cities and in 
arrayed fields — now harassed their enemies with 
a constant, but flying warfare; all rendered the 
plains of the Holy Land a scene of unremitting strife, 
where the pilgrim and the traveller were continually 
exposed to danger, plunder, and death. Some French 
knights, who had followed the first crusade,^ animated 
beyond their fellows with the religious and military 

» Jacob. Vitriaci in Hist. Hieroso) 2 William of Tyre 



HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 195 

fuiy which mspired that enterprise, entered into a 
solemn compact to aid each other in freeing the high- 
ways of the Holy Land, protecting pilgrims and 
travellers, and fighting against the enemies of the 
Cross. They embraced the rule of St. Augustin ; 
renomiced all worldly goods, and bound themselves 
by oath to obey the commands of their grand master ; 
to defend the Christian faith ; to cross the seas m 
aid of their brethren ; to fight unceasingly against 
the infidel, and never to turn back from less than 
four adversaries.' The founders of this order were 
Hugh de Paganis and Geofiiey de St. Aldemar — or, 
according to some, de St. Omer — who had both sig- 
nalized themselves in the religious wars. Having no 
fixed dwelling, the Templars were assigned a lodg- 
ing in a palace in the immediate vicinity of the Tem- 
ple, from whence they derived the name by which 
they have since been known. The number of these 
knights was at first but nine, and during the nine 
years which follow^ed their institution, they were 
marked by no particular garb,^ wearing the secular 
habit of the day, which was furnished to them by 
charity alone. The clergy of the temple itself con- 
ferred on their body a space of ground between that 
building and the palace,'' for the purpose of military 
exercises, and various other benefices speedily fol- 
lowed. At the council^ of Troyes, their situation 
was considered, and a white garment was appointed 
for their dress. Their vows became very similar to 
those of the knights of St. John ; the numbers of 

' Jac. Vitriaci ; Hist. Hierosol. 

2 Will. Tyrerisis, lib. xxii. ; Jacob. Vit. 3 William of Tyre. 

4 William of Tyre marks precisely, that the particular rules to which 
they were subjected, and the dress to which they were restricted, were 
regularly fixed by the church at the council of Troyes, in the course of 
the ninth year after their first institution. Now the council of Troyes 
took place in 1128, and Baldwin du Bourg ascended the throne of Jerusa 
lem on the 2d of April, 1 J 18, ten years previously. Their first institution, 
therefore, could not be in the rei^n of Baldwin I., as Mills has staled it, 
w ithout a gross error on the part of the Archbishoj) of Tyre, who wrote 
in the year 1184, and therefore wus not likely to be mistaken on a subject 
so near his own davs. 



196 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 

the body rapidly augmented ; possessions and riches 
flowed in upon them apace, as their services became 
extended and general. They added a red cross to 
their robe, and raised a banner of their own, on which 
they bestowed the name of Beaiis^ant. The order, 
as it increased, was soon divided into the various 
Classes of servants of arms, esquires, and knights ; 
and, in addition to their great standard, which was 
white with the red cross — symbolical, like their dress, 
of purity of life, and courage, even to death — they 
bore to battle a banner composed of white and black 
stripes, intended to typify their tenderness to their 
friends and implacability towards their enemies. — 
Their valour became so noted, that, like that of the 
famous tenth legion,' it was a support to itself; and, 
according to James of Vitry, any Templar, on hear- 
ing the cry to arms, would have been ashamed to have 
asked the number of the enemy. The only ques- 
tion was, " Where are they ?" 

On entering the order, the grand master cautioned 
the aspirant that he was, in a manner, called upon to 
resign his individuality. Not only his property and 
his body, but his very thoughts, belonged, from the 
moment of his admission, to the institution of which 
he became a part. He was bound in every thing to 
obey the commands of his superior, and poverty of 
course formed a part of his vow. His inclinations, 
his feelings, his passions, were all to be rendered sub- 
servient to the cause he embraced ; and he was ex- 
horted to remember, before he engaged himself to 
the performance of so severe an undertaking, that he 
would often be obliged to watch when he desired to 
sleep, to suffer toil when his limbs required rest, and 
to undergo the pangs of thirst and the cravings of 
hunger when food would be most delightful. 

After these and similar warnings of the painful 
and self-denying nature of the task which he was 

• Hist. Hierosol. ; Jacob. Vitriaci, 



HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 197 

about to impose upon himself, he was asked three 
times if he still desired to enter into the order, and on 
giving an answer in the affirmative, he was invested 
with the robe, and admitted to the vows, after pre- 
vious proof that he was qualified in other respects, 
according to the rules of the institution. 

No possible means has ever been devised of keep- 
ing any body of men poor ; and the Templars, whose 
first device was two knights riding on one horse, to 
signify their poverty and humility, were soon one of 
the richest, and beyond comparison the proudest, of 
the European orders. Their preceptories were to be 
found in every country, and as their vows did not 
embrace' the charitable avocations which, with the 
knights of St. John, filled up the hours unemployed 
in military duties, the Templars soon added to their 
pride all that host of vices which so readily step in 
to occupy the void of idleness. While the knights of 
St. John, spreading benefit and comfort around them, 
notwithstanding many occasional faults and errors, 
remained esteemed and beloved, on the whole, both 
by sovereigns and people ; the knights of the Tem- 
ple were only suffered for some centuries, feared, 
hated, avoided ; and at last were crushed, at a mo- 
ment when it is probable that a reform was about to 
work itself in their order.^ 

1 The Templars founded many charitable institutions, but attendance 
on the sick was not a part of their profession. 

2 For a more particular and correct account of the armour of the cru- 
sades, T must refer to the invaluable work of Dr. Meyrick, which I re- 
gret much not to have had by me while writing this book. My sources 
of information have been alone the historians of the day, in consulting 
whom the ambiguity of language is very often likely to induce error in 
aiatters which, like armour, are difficult to describe. 

R2 



198 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 



CHAPTER X. 

^Consequences of the Loss of Edessa—The State of France uvfavourable 
to a new Crusade — Vieiv of the Progress of Society — Causes and Cha- 
racter of the Second Crusade— St. Bernard— The Emperor of Germany 
takes the Cross end sets out — Louis VU.follmvs — Conduct of the Ger- 
mans in Greece — Their Destruction in Cappadocia — Treachery of 
Manuel Comnemis— Louis VII. arrives at Constantinople — Passes 
into Asia — Defeats the Turks on the Meander— His Army cut to 
pieces — Proceeds by Sea to Ant lock — Fate of his remaining Troops — 
Intrigues at Antioch — Louis goes on to Jerusalem — Siege of Damas- 
cu^-^Dis graceful Failure — Conrad returns to Europe — Conduct of 
Suger, Abbot of St. Denis — Termination of the Second Crusade. 

The loss of Edessa shook the kingdom of Jeru- 
salem ; not so much from the importance of the city 
or its territory, as from the exposed state in which 
it left the frontier of the newly established monarchy. 
The activity, the perseverance, the power of the Mos- 
lems had been too often felt not to be dreaded ; and 
there is every reason to believe, that the clergy 
spoke but the wishes of the whole people, when in 
their letters to Europe they pressed their Christian 
brethren to come once more to the succour of Jeru- 
salem. Shame and ambition led the young Count 
of Edessa to attempt the recovery of his capital as 
soon as the death of Zenghi, who had taken it, reached 
his ears. He in consequence collected a large body 
of troops, and on presenting himself before the walls 
during the night, was admitted, by his friends, into 
the town. There he turned his whole efforts to force 
the Turkish garrison in the citadel to surrender, be- 
fore Nourhaddin, the son of Zenghi, could arrive to 
its aid. But the Saracens held out ; and, while the 
Latin soldiers besieged the castle, they found them- 
selves suddenly surrounded by a large body of the 
enemy, under the command of Nourhaddin. ' In this 



HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 199 

situation, they endeavoured to cut their way through 
the Turkish "force, but, attacked on every side, few 
of them escaped to tell the tale of their own defeat. 
Nourhaddin marched over their necks into Edessa, 
and, in order to remove for ever that bulwark to the 
Christian kingdom of Jerusalem, he caused the forti- 
fications to be razed to the ground. 

The consternation of the people of Palestine be- 
came great and general. The road to the Holy City 
lay open before the enemy, and continual applications 
for assistance reached Europe, but more particularly 
France. 

The state of that country, however, was the 
least' propitious that it is possible to conceive for a 
crusade. The position of all the orders of society 
had undergone a change since the period when the 
wars of the Cross were first v)reached by Peter the 
Hermit ; and of the many causes which had com- 
bined to hurry the armed multitudes to the Holy 
Land, none remained but the spirit of religious fanati- 
cism and military enterprise. At the time of the 
first crusade, the feudal system had reached the acme 
of its power. The barons had placed a king upon 
the throne. They had rendered their own dominion 
independent of his, and though they still acknow- 
ledged some ties between themselves and the mo- 
narch — some vague and general power of restraint 
in the king and his court of peers — yet those ties 

1 Mills says, " The news of the loss of the eastern frontier of the Latin 
kingdom reached France at a time peculiarly favourable for foreign 
war." It will be seen that I have taken up a position as exactly the re- 
verse of that assumed by that excellent author as can well be conceived ; 
but I have not done so without much investigation, and the more I con- 
sider the subject, the more I am convinced that the moment when the 
feudal power was checked by the king and assailed by the communes, 
was not the most propitious to call the nobility to foreign lands— that 
the moment in which the burghers were labouring up hill for inde- 
pendence, was not .1 time for them to abandon the scene of their hopes 
and endeavours — and that the moment when a kingdom was torn by 
conflicting powers, when the royal authority was unconfirmed, and the 
noDility only irritated at its exertion, was not the period that a monarcb 
should have chosen to quit his dominions. 



200 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 

were so loose, that power was so undefined in its 
nature, and so difficult in its exercise, that the nobles 
were free and at liberty to act in whatever direction 
enthusiasm, ambition, or cupidity might call them, 
without fear of the sovereign, who was, in fact, but 
one of their own body loaded with a crown. 

The people, too, at that time, both in the towns 
and in the fields, were the mere slaves of the no- 
bility ; and as there existed scarcely a shadow of 
vigour in the kingly authority, so there remained not 
an idea of distinct rights and privileges among the 
populace. Thus the baronage were then unfet- 
tered by dread from any quarter; and the lower 
classes — both the poorer nobility, and that indistinct 
tribe (which we find evidently' marked) who were 
neither among the absolute serfs of any lord, nor 
belonging to the militrry caste — were all glad to en- 
gage themselves in wars which held out to them 
riches and exaltation in this world, and beatification 
in the next ; while they could hope for nothing in 
their own land but pillage, oppression, and wrong ; 
or slaughter in feuds without an object, and in bat- 
tles for the benefit of others. 

Before the second crusade was contemplated, a 
change — an immense change had operated itself in 
the state of society. Just fifty years had passed 
since the council of Clermont : but the kings of France 
were no longer the same ; the royal authority had 
acquired force^ — the latent principles of domination 

1 A. curious essay might be written on the classes or castes in Europe 
at that period. It is quite a mistaken notion which some persons have 
entertained, that the only distinctions under the monarch, were noble 
and serf. We find an immense class, or rather various classes, all of 
which consisted of freemen, interposed between the lord and his slave. 
Thus Galbertus Syndick, of Bruges, in recounting the death of Charles 
the Good, Count of Flanders, A. D. 1130, mentions not only the burghers 
of the town, but various other persons who were not of the nobln race, 
but were then evidently free, as well as the Braban^ois or Cotereaux, a 
sort of freebooting soldier of that day. Guibert of Nogent, also, in his 
own life, and Frodoardus, in the history of Rheims, refer to many of 
whose exact station it is difficult to form an idea. 

2 Rouillard, Histoire de Melun : Vie de Bouchard. 



HISTORY or CHIVALRY. 201 

had been exercised for the general good. Kings had 
put forth their hands to check abuses, to punish vio- 
lence and crime ; and the feudal system began to 
assume the character, not of a simple confederation, 
but of an organized hierarchy,"^ in which the whole 
body was the judge of each individual, and the head 
of that body the executor of its sentence. Louis VI., 
commonly called Louis the Fat,^ was the first among 
the kings of France who raised the functions of 
royalty above those of sovereignty, and the distinction 
between the two states is an important one. The 
former monarchs of France, including Philip L, under 
whose reign the first crusade was preached, had 
each been but sovereigns, who could call upon their 
vassals to serve them for so many days in the field, 
and whose rights were either simply personal, that 
is to say, for their own dignity and benefit, or only 
general so far as the protection of the whole confe- 
deracy from foreign invasion was implied. Louis 
the Fat, however, saw that in the kingly office was 
comprised both duties and. rights of a different cha- 
racter; the right of punishing private crime," and of 
opposing universal wrong; the duty of maintaining 
public order, and of promoting by one uniform and 
acknowledged power the tranquillity of the whole 
society and the security of each individual. The 
efforts of that prince were confined and partial, it is 
true ;'* but he and his great minister, Suger, seized 
the just idea of the monarchical form of government, 
and laid the basis of a well-directed and legitimate 
authority. 

This authority, of course, was not pleasing to the 
barons, whose license was thus curtailed. Their 
views, therefore, were turned rather to the mainte- 
nance of their own unjust privileges, than to foreign 

' I know that I use this word not quite correctl;, but I can find none 
oth> r to express more properly wliat I mean. 
2 Snger in vit. Ludovic W. 3 Galbert in vit. Carol. 

4 Suger in vit. Ludovic W. 



202 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 

adventures. At the same time, the nobles found 
themselves assailed by the classes below them, as 
well as by the power above, and the people of the 
towns were seen to struggle for the rights and im- 
munities so long denied to them. The burghers 
had,' indeed, been permitted to labour in some small 
degree for themselves. Though subject to terrible 
and grievous exactions, they had still thriven under 
the spirit of commerce and industry. Their lords 
had sometimes even recourse to them for assistance. 
The greater part, though of the servile race, had been 
either freed, or were descended from freed men; 
and the baron of the town in which they lived, though 
cruel and tyrannical, was more an exacting pro- 
tector than a master. At length — the precise time 
is unknown — the people of the cities began to think 
of protecting themselves ; and, by mutual co-opera- 
tion, they strove at once to free themselves from the 
tyranny of a superior lord, and to defend themselves 
against the encroachments of others. The word 
commune^ was introduced, and each tow^n of consi- 
derable size hastened to struggle for its liberty. At 
first the horror and indignation of the nobles were 
beyond all conception ; but the spirit of union among 
them was not sufficiently active to put down that 
which animated the commons. 

Each lord had to oppose his revolted subjects alone ; 
and after long and sanguinary contests,^ sometimes 
the baron, the bishop, or the abbot succeeded in 
subjugating the people ; sometimes the burghers 
contrived, b}'^ perseverance, to wring from the no- 
bles themselves a charter which assured their 
freedom. 

This struggle4 was at its height, at the time when 
the fall of Edessa and the growing power of the 
Moslems called Europe to engage in a second cru- 
i<ade ; but the barons at that moment found their 

1 Chron. Vezeliac. 2 Ouibert Nog. in vit. s. 

3 Chron. Vezeliac. 4 Gesta regis I.udovici Vn. 



HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 203 

privileges invaded both by the crown and the peo- 
ple ; and the latter discovered that they had rights 
to maintain in their own land — that they were no 
longer the mere slaves to whom all countries were 
alike — that prospects were opened before them 
which during the first crusade they hardly dreamed 
of — that the swords which had before been employed 
in fighting the quarrels of their lords at home, or 
raising them to honour and fame abroad, were now 
required to defend their property, their happiness, 
and the new station they had created for themselves 
in society. Thus the period at which aid became 
imperatively necessary to the Christians at Jerusalem, 
was when France was least calculated to aiford it. 
Nevertheless, the superstition of a king and the elo- 
quence of a churchman combined to produce a second 
crusade ; but in this instance it was but a great mili- 
tary expedition, and no longer the enthusiastic effort 
of a nation, or a great popular movement throughout 
the whole of the Christian world. 

One of the strongest proofs of this fact' is the 
scantiness of historians on the second crusade, and 
the style in which those that do exist, speak of its 
operations. It is no longer the glory of Christendom 
that they mention, but the glory of the king; no 
more the deliverance of the Holy Land, but merely 
the acts of the monarch. 

In pursuance of the general plan of extending the 
dominion of the crown, which had been conceived by 
Louis VL, and carried on with such infinite perse- 
verance by his great mmister Suger, Louis VII., the 
succeeding monarch, on hearing of the election of 
the Archbishop of Bourges by the chapter of that 
city, without his previous consent, had declared the 
nomination invalid, and proceeded to acts of such 

1 The only two 1 know who accompanied this crusade, and wrote any 
detailed account of it, are Odon de Deuil, or Odo de Diagolo, and Fri- 
singen, or F'i-eysing-heii. It is an extraordinary' fact, thai tlie Cardinal de 
Vitrj- mikes no mention of the second crusade. 



^04 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. | 

flagrant opposition to the papa] jurisdiction, that the 
church used her most terrific thunders to awe the 
monarch to her will. Thibalt, Count of Champagne 
armed in support of the pope's authority, and Louis 
instantly marched to chastise his rebellious vassal. 
Thibalt was soon reduced to obedience, but the 
anger of the monarch was not appeased by submis- 
sion ; for, even after the town of Vitry had surren- 
dered, he set fire to the church, in which nearly 
thirteen hundred people had taken refuge, and dis- 
graced his triumph by one of the direst pieces of 
cruelty upon record. A sex'ere illness, however, soon 
followed, and reflection brought remorse. At that 
time the news of the fall of Edessa was fresh in Eu- 
rope ; and Louis, in the vain hope of expiating his 
crime, determined to promote a crusade, and lead his 
forces himself to the aid of Jerusalem. 

Deputies were speedily sent to the Pope Eugenius, 
who willingly abetted in the king's design, and com- 
missioned the famous St. Bernard, Abbot of Clair- 
vaux, to preach the Cross through France and Ger- 
many. St. Bernard possessed every requisite for 
such a mission.' From his earliest years he had 
been filled with religious enthusiasm ; he had aban- 
doned high prospects to dedicate himself entirely to 
an austere and gloomy fanaticism ; he had reformed 
many abuses in the church, reproved crime wherever 
he found it, and raised the clerical character in the 
eyes of the people, too much accustomed to behold 
among his order nothing but vice, ignorance, and in- 
dolence. He was one of the most powerful orators 
of his day, endowed with high and commanding 
talents of many kinds ; and in his controversy with 
the celebrated Abelard, the severe purity of his life 
and manners had proved most eloquent against his 
rival. Thus, when after repeated entreaties^ he went 
forth to preach the crusade, few that heard him were 

1 William of St. Thim-y. Mabillon. 

2 Geoffroi de Clairvaux , Continuation of the Life of St. Bernard. 



HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 205 

not either impressed by his sanctity, persuaded by 
his eloquence, or carried away by his zeal : and thus, 
notwithstanding the unfavourable state of France,' 
a multitude of men took the symbol of the Cross, and 
prepared to follow the monarch into Palestine. In 
Germany the effects of his overpowering oratory 
were the same. Those who understood not even the 
language that he spoke, became awed by his gestures 
and the dignified enthusiasm of his manner, and de- 
voted themselves to the crusade, though the tongue 
in which it was preached was unknown to them. 
Wherever he went his presence was supposed to 
operate miracles, and the sick are reported to have 
recovered by his touch, or at his command ; while 
all the legions of devils, with which popish supersti- 
tion peopled the atmosphere, took flight at his ap- 
proach. For some time Conrad, Emperor of Ger- 
many, suffered' St. Bernard to call the inhabitants 
of his dominions to the crusade without taking any 
active part in his proceedings, but at length the start- 
ling eloquence of the Abbot of Clairvaux reached 
even the bosom of the monarch, and he declared his 
intention of following the Cross himself. At Vezelai 
Louis VII. received the symbol : but the most power- 
ful obstacle that he found to his undertaking was the 
just and continued opposition of his minister,^ Suger, 
who endeavoured by every means to dissuade the 
monarch from abandoning his kingdom. All persua- 
sions were vain ; and having committed the care of 
his estates to that faithful servant,'* Louis himself, ac- 
companied by Eleonor, his queen, departed for Metz, 
where he was joined by an immense multitude of 
nobles and knights, among whom were crusaders 
from England^ and the remote islands of the northern 
sea. Ambassadors from Roger, King of Apuha, had 
already warned Louis of the treachery of the Greeks, 
and besought him to take any other way than that 

1 Odo of Deuil. 2 Mabillon. 3 Guizot. 

■iA. D 1147 SOdon de Deuil. 

S 



206 HISTORY Of CHIVALRY. 

through the dommions of the emperor; but the 
French monarch was biassed by other counsels, and 
determined upon following the plan before laid down. 

The Emperor of Germany Avas the first' to set out, 
and by June reached Constantinople in safety, fol- 
lowed by a large body of armed men, and a number 
of women whose gay dress, half-military, half-femi- 
nine, gave the march the appearance of some bright 
fantastic cavalcade. 

The King of France, having previously received^ 
at St. Denis, the consecrated banner as a warrior, 
and the staff and scrip'' as a pilgrim, now quitted 
Metz, and proceeded by Worms and Ratisbon. Here 
he was met by envoys from the Emperor of the East, 
charged with letters so filled with flattery and fair 
speeches, that Louis is reported to have blushed, and 
the Bishop of Langres to have observed — 

Timeo Danaos et dona ferentes. 

Here,^ too, the French beheld, for the first time, the 
custom of an inferior standing in the presence of his 
lord. The object of the emperor M^as to obtain from 
Louis a promise to pass through his territories with- 
out violence, and to yield to him every town from 
which he should expel the Turks, and which had 
ever belonged to the Grecian territory. 

Part of this proposal was acceded to, and part re- 
fused ; and the army marched on through Hungary 
into Greece. The progress of the second crusade 
was of course subject to the same difficulties that at- 
tended that of the first, through a waste and deserted 
land ; but many other obstacles no longer existed — 
the people of the country were more accustomed to 

' William of Tyre. 2 odon de Deuil. 3 See note X. 

4 It appears from the passage of Odo of Deiiil which mentions the cu- 
rious servility, as he desi^'natrs il. of the Greeks never silting down in 
the presence of a superior till desired to do so, that the French of thai 
day were not quite so ccrtnioniout, as ui that of Louis XIV, 



HISTORV OF CHIVALRY. 207 

the appearance of strang-ers;^ the army was re- 
strained by the presence of the king ; and the whole 
account of the march to Constantinople leaves the 
impression of a more civilized state of society than 
that which existed at the period of the first crusade. 
We meet with no massacres, no burning of towns, 
no countries laid waste : and though there are to be 
found petty squabbles between the soldiers and the 
townspeople, frays, and even bloodshed ; yet these 
were but individual outrages, kindled by private 
passions, and speedily put down by the arm of au- 
thority. 

The Germans^ were less fortunate on their way 
than the French, and some serious causes of quarrel 
sprung up between them and the Greeks, in which it 
is difficult to discover who were the chief aggressors. 
The Greeks call the Germans^ barbarians, and the 
Germans accuse the Greeks of every kind of trea- 
cheiy ; but it appears evident,"* that Conrad himself 
was guilty of no small violence on his approach to 
Constantinople. A most magnificent garden had 
been laid out at a little distance from that capital, 
filled with every vegetable luxury of the day, and 
containing within its walls vast herds of tame ani- 
mals, for whose security woods had been planted, 
caverns dug, and lakes contrived ; so that the beasts 
which vvere confined in this vast prison might follow 
their natural habits, as if still at liberty. Here also 
were several buildings, in which the emperors were 
accustomed to enjoy the summer : but Conrad, with 
an unceremonious freedom, partaking not a little of 
barbarism, broke into this retreat, and wasted and 
destroyed all that it had required the labour of years to 
accomplish. Manuel Comnenus, who now sat on the 
throne of Constantinople, beheld, from the windows of 
his palace, this strange scene of wanton aggression ; 
and sent messengers^ to Conrad, who was connected 

1 ( »do of Deuil. 2 \icetas. 2 Cinnamus, citod by Mills. 

4 Odoa de Deuil. 5 ibid. 



208 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 

with him by marriag-e,^ desiring- an interview. But 
the Greek would not trust himself out of the walls of 
his capital^ and tlie German would not venture within 
them, so that a short time was passed in negotia- 
tion; and then Conrad passed over the Hellespont 
with his forces, relieving the eastern sovereign from 
the dread and annoyance of his presence. Manuel, 
however, furnished the German army with guides 
to conduct it through Asia Minor; and almost all 
accounts attribute to the Greek the design of be- 
traying his Christian brethren into the hands of the 
mndels. After passing the sea, the troops of Conrad 
proceeded in two bodies,^ the one under the Emperor, 
and the other under the Bishop of Freysinghen ; but 
the guides with which they had been provided led 
them into the pathless wilds of Cappadocia, where 
famine soon readied them. At the moment also 
when they expected to arrive atlconium,^ they found 
themselves attacked by the army of the infidels, 
swelled to an immense extent by the efforts of the 
sultaun of the Seljukian Turks, who, on the first ap- 
proach of the Christian forces, had spared no means 
to ensure their destruction. The heavy-armed Ger- 
mans'* in vain endeavoured to close with the light 
and agile horsemen of the Turkish host. The 
treacherous guides had fled on the first sight of the 
infidels, and the enemy hovered round and round the 
German army, as it stiuggled on through the un- 
known deserts in which it was entangled, smiting 
every straggler, and hastening its annihilation by 

1 Manuel Comnenus had married Bertha, and Conrad, Gertrude, both 
daughters of Berenger the elder, Count of Sultzbach. 

2 Odon de Deuil. 3 William of Tyre ; Odon de Deuil. 

4 The Pope, in his exhortation to the second crusade, had not only 
regulated the general conduct of the crusaders, and formally absolved all 
those who should embrace the Cross, but he had given minute particu- 
lars for their dress and arms, expressly forbidding all that might encum- 
ber them in their journey, such asheavy baggage, and vain superfluities, 
and all that might lead them from the direct road, such as falcons and 
hunting-dogs. "Happy had it been for them," says Odo of Deuil, '"if, 
instead of a scrip, he had commanded the foot pilgrims to bear a cross 
bow, and instead of a stalT, a fiword.*' 



HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 209 

continual attacks. Favoured by the fleetness of 
their horses, and their knowledge of the localities, 
they passed and repassed the exhausted troops of the 
emperor,* who now endeavoured to retrace his steps 
under a continued rain of arrows. No part of the 
army offered security. The famous Count Bernard, 
with many others, was cut off fighting in the rear ; 
the van was constantly in the presence of an active 
foe; and the emperor himself was twice wounded 
by arrows which fell in the centre of the host. Thus, 
day after day, thousands on thousands were added to 
the slain ; and when at length Conrad reached the 
town of Nice, of seventy thousand knights, and an 
immense body of foot, who had followed him from 
Europe, scarcely a tenth part were to be found in the 
ranks of his shattered army. 

That he was betrayed into the hands of the Turks 
by the guides furnished by the emperor no earthly 
doubt can be entertained ; nor is it questionable that 
Manuel Comnenus was at that time secretly engaged 
in treaty with the infidels. It is not, indeed, abso- 
lutely proved that the monarch of Constantinople 
ordered or connived at the destruction of the Chris- 
tian forces ; but every historian^ of the day has sus- 
pected him of the treachery, and when such is the 
case it is probable there was good cause for suspicion. 

In the mean while, Louis the younger led the 
French host to Constantinople, and, unlike Conrad, 
instantly accepted the emperor's invitation to enter 
the city with a small train. Manuel received him 
as an equal, descending to the porch of his palace to 
meet his royal guest. He, of course, pretended to 
no homage from the King of France, but still his ob- 
ject was to secure to himself all the conquests which 
Louis might make in the ancient appendages of 
Greece, without acting himself against the infidels. 

To force the French monarch into this concession, 

'OdoofDeuil; Vl^ill. Tyr. 

2 Will. Tyr.; Odon de Deuil ; Gest. Ludovic VII ' N'cetas. 

S2 ' 



210 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 

he pursued a plan of irritating and uncertain neg-o- 
tiations, not at all unlike those carried on by his 
predecessor Alexius,' towards the leaders of the 
former crusade. In the midst of these, hoVever, it 
was discovered that Manuel had entered into a secret 
treaty with the Turks ; and, indeed, the confidence 
which the deceitful Greeks placed in the promises 
of the crusaders forms a singular and reproachful 
comment on the constant and remorseless breach of 
their own. There were many of the leaders of the 
French who did not scruple to urge Louis to punish 
by arms the gross perfidy of the Greek emperor; 
and, by taking possession of Constantinople, to 
sweep away the continual stumblingblock by which 
the efforts of all the crusades had been impeded. 
Had Louis acceded to their wishes, great and extra- 
ordinary results would, no doubt, have been effected 
towards the permanent occupation of the Holy Land 
by the Christian powers ; but that monarch was not 
to be seduced into violating his own good faith by 
tlie treachery of another, and after having, on the 
other hand, refused to aid Manuel in the war which 
had arisen between him and Roger, King of Apulia, 
he crossed the Bosphorus, and passed into Asia 
Minor. Thence advancing through Nicomedia,^ 
Louis proceeded to Nice, and encamped under the 
walls of that city. Here the first reports reached 
him of the fate of the German army, for hitherto the 
Greeks had continued to fill his ears with nothing 
but the successes of his fellows in arms. For a 
time the news was disbelieved, but very soon the 
arrival of Frederic, duke of Suabia, charged with 
messages from the German monarch, brought the 
melancholy certainty of his defeat. 

Louis did all that he could to assuage the grief of 
the Emperor Conrad,^ and uniting their forces, they 
now marched on by the seacoast to Ephesus. Here^ 

I Odon de Deuil. 2 Will. Tyr. ; Odon de Deuil. 

sOdon de Deuil; Freysinghen; William of Tyre. 



HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 211 

however, Conrad, mortified at a companionship in 
which the inferiority of his own troops was painfully 
contrasted with the multitude and freshness of the 
French, separated again from Louis; and, sending 
back the greater part of his army by land, took ship 
himself and returned to Constantinople, where he 
was received both with more distinction and more 
sincerity, on account of the scantiness of his retinue, 
and the disasters he had suffered. 

In the mean while, the French proceeded on their 
way, and after travelling for some days without op- 
position, they first encountered the Turks on the 
banks of the Meander.' Proud of their success 
against the Germans, the infidels determined to con- 
test the passage of the river ; but the French knights, 
having found a ford, traversed the stream without 
difficulty, and routed the enemy with great slaughter. 
The loss of the Christians was so small, consisting 
only of one knight,^ who perished in the river, that 
they as usual had recourse to a miracle, to account 
for so cheap a victory. 

Passing onward to Laodicea they found that town 
completely deserted, and the environs laid waste ; 
and they here heard of the complete destruction of 
that part of the German army which had been com- 
manded by the Bishop of Freysinghen.^ In the se- 
cond day's journey after quitting Laodicea, a steep 
mountain presented itself before the French army, 
which marched in two bodies, separated by a consi- 
derable distance. The commander of the first divi- 
sion, named Geoftroy de Rancun,* had received orders 
from the king, who remained with the rear-guard, to 
halt on the summit of the steep, and there pitch the 
tents for the night. That Baron, unencumbered by 



t William of Tyre. 2 Odon deDeuil. 

3 Odo of Deuil always calls Otho, Bishop of Freysinghen, brother of 
the Emperor Conrad. He was, however, only a half-brother ; his rela- 
tionship being by the mother's side. 

* Will. Tyrens. lib. xvi. ; Odon de Deuil, 



212 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 

baggage, easily accomplished the ascent, and finding 
that the day's' progress was considerably less than 
the usual extent of march, forgot the commands he 
had received, and advanced two or three miles be- 
yond the spot specified. 

The king, with the lesser body of effective troops 
and the baggage, followed slowly up the mountain, 
the precipitous acclivity of which rendered the foot- 
ing of the horses dreadfully insecure, while immense 
masses of loose stone gave way at every step under 
the feet of the crusaders,' and hurried many down 
into a deep abyss, through which a roaring torrent 
was rushing onward towards the sea. Suddenly, as 
they were toiling up, the wliole army of the Turks, 
who had remarked the separation of the division, and 
watched their moment too surely, appeared on the 
hill above. A tremendous shower of arrows instantly 
assailed the Christians. The confusion and dismay 
were beyond description : thousands fell headlong at 
once down the precipice, thousands were killed by 
the masses of rock which the hurry and agitation of 
those at the top hurled down upon those below; 
while the Turks, charging furiously all who had 
nearly climbed to the summit, drove them back upon 
the heads of such as were ascending. 

Having concluded,^ that his advance-guard had se- 
cured the ground above, Louis, with the cavalry of 
nis division, had remained in the rear, to cover his 
army from any attack. The first news of the Turk- 
ish force being in presence was gathe«-ed from the 
complete rout of the foot-soldiers, who had been 
mounting the hill, and who were now flying in every 
direction. The king instantly sent round" his chap- 
lain, Odon de Deuil, to seek for the other body under 
Geoffroy de Rancun, and to call it back to his aid ; 
while in the mean time he spurred forward with 
what cavalry he had, to repel the Turks and protect 

I Odm de Deuil ; Will. Tyr 2 Odon de Deuil. 



HISTORY OF CHIVALRV. 213 

his infantry. Up so steep an ascent the horses could 
make but little progress, and the Moslems, finding- 
that their arrows turned off from the steel coats of 
the knights, aimed at the chargers, which, often mor- 
tally wounded, rolled down the steep, carrying their 
riders along with them. Those knights who suc- 
ceeded in freeing themselves from their dying steeds 
were instantly attacked by the Tiu-ks, who, with 
fearful odds on their side, left hardly a living man of 
all the Chivaliy that fought that day. The king 
even, dismounted by the death of his horse, was 
surrounded before he could well rise ; but, catching 
the branches of a tree, he sprang upon a high insulated 
rock, where, armed with his sword alone, he defended 
himself, till the night falling freed him from his ene- 
mies. His situation now would have been little less 
hazardous than it was before, had he not luckily en- 
countered a part of the infantry who had remained 
with the baggage. He was thus enabled, with what 
troops he could rally, to make his way during the 
night to the advance-guard, which had, as yet, re- 
mained unattacked. Geoffroy de Rancun had nearly 
been sacrificed to the just resentment of the people, 
but the uncle of the king, having been a participator 
in his fault, procured him pardon; and the army, 
which was now reduced to a state of greater disci- 
pline than before, by the Grand Master of the Tem- 
plars,' who had accompanied it from Constantinople, 
arrived without much more loss at Attalia.^ Here 
the Greeks proved more dangerous enemies than the 
Turks, and every thing was done that human base- 
ness and cunning could suggest, to plunder and de- 
stroy the unfortunate crusaders. 

Much discussion now took place concerning their 
further progress, and the difficulties before them ren- 
dered it necessaiy that a part of the host should 
proceed by sea to Antioch. The king at first deter- 

I Odon de Deuil 2 William of Tyre. 



214 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 

mined that that pait should be the pilgrims on foot ; 
and that he himself with his Chivalry^ would follow 
the path by land. The winter season, however, ap- 
proaching', the scanty number of vessels tliat could 
be procured, and the exorbitant price which the 
Greeks demanded for the passage of each man — 
being no less than four marks of silver' — rendered 
the transport of the foot impossible. Louis, there- 
fore, eager to reach .lerusalem, distributed what 
money he could spare among the pilgrims, engaged 
at an enormous price a Greek escort and guide to 
conduct them by land to Antioch, left the Count of 
Flanders to command them, and then took ship with 
the rest of his knights. Tlie Count of Flanders 
soon found that the Greeks, having received theii 
reward, refused to fulfil their agreement, and the im- 
possibility of reaching Antioch without their aid 
being plain, he embarked and followed the king. 

The unhappy pilgrims, who remained cooped up be- 
neath the walls, which they were not permitted to enter, 
on the one hand, and the Turkish army that watched 
them with unceasing vigilance, on the other, died, 
and were slaughtered by thousands. Some strove 
to force their passage to Antioch by land, and fell 
beneath the Moslem scimitar. Some cast themselves 
upon the compassion of the treacherous Greeks, and 
were more brutally treated than even by their infidel 
enemies. So miserable at length became their con- 
dition, that the Turks tliemselves ceased to attack 
them, brought them provisions and pieces of money, 
and showed them that compassion which their fel- 
low-christians refused. Thus, in the end, several 
hundreds attached themselves^ to their generous ene- 
mies, and were tempted to embrace the Moslem 
creed. The rest either became slaves to the Greeks, 
or died of pestilence and famine. 

In the mean while, Louis and his knights' arrived 

I Oiionde Deuil. 2 Ibid 3 William of Tyre ; Vcrtot. 



HISTORY Of CHIVALRY. 215 

at Ant.joch, where they were received with the ap- 
pearance of splendid hospitality by Raimond, the 
prince of that city, who was uncle of Eleonor, the 
wife of the French monarch. His hospitality, how- 
ever, was of an interested nature : Antioch and Tri- 
poli hun^ upon the skirts of the king-dom of Jerusa- 
lem as detached principalities, whose connexion with 
the chief country was vagne and insecure. No 
sooner, therefore, did the news of the coming of the 
King of France reach tlie princes of those cities, 
than they instantly laid out a thousand plans for en- 
gaging- Louis in extending the limits of tlieir territo- 
ries, before permitting him to proceed to Jerusalem. 
The Prince of Antioch assuredly had the greatest 
claim upon the king, by his relationship to the 
queen ;' and he took every means of working on the 
husband, by ingratiating himself with the wife. Eleo- 
nor was a woman of strong and violent passions,^ and 
of debauched and libertine manners, and she made 
no scruple of intriguing and caballing with her uncle 
to bend the king to his wishes. The Archbishop of 
Tyre, who was but little given to repeat a scandal, 
dvvells with a tone of certainty upon the immoral 
life of the Queen of P'rance, and says, she had even 
consented that her uncle should cany her off, after 
Louis had formally refused to second his efforts 
against Cesarea. 
However that may be, her conduct was a disgrace 

' Gesf. Ludovic. regis ; William of Tyre; Vertot. 

2 Vertot, a learned man aad a diljirent invesligutor, speaks of EJeonor 
in the following curious terms : " On pretend qutr cette pnncesse, peu 
S'^rupuleuse sur scs devoirs, et devenue eprise d'un jeune Turc hapti'*<5, 
appell^ Saladin, ne pouvait se rt'soudro A s'en s"parer. Sec." These re- 
ports of course save rise to many curious suppositions, es)x»cially when 
Richnrd Cceur de Lion, Eleanor's son by hsr second innrriaa;e, went to 
war in the Holy Land. On his return to France, Louis MI. iimtantly 
sought a plausible pretext for delivenns himself from his unfaithful wife 
W'tiiout cansint; the scandal of a public exposure of her conduct. , A 
pretence of consanguinity within the fiwbiddcn degrees ^va■' i-ooir 
established, and the m irriajje was ann' 'led. After this Eleotior, 
wh ', in addition to boauty and wit, pos& ssed ia her own right th« 
whole of A.quitaii\, spsedily -^ive h'T hand to Hsnry !I of I^ngland, and 
in thci end tigured in the tragedy of Rosamond of Woodstock. 



216 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 

to the crusade ; and Louis, in his letters to Suger, 
openly complained of her infidelity. 

The king resisted all entreaties and all threats, 
and, equally rejecting the suit of the Count of Tri- 
poh,' he proceeded to Jerusalem, where the emperor 
Conrad, having passed by sea from Constantinople, 
had arrived before him. Here the whole of the 
princes were called to council ; and it was determined 
that, instead of endeavouring to retake Edessa, 
which had been the original object of the crusade, 
the troops of Jerusalem, joined to all that remained 
of the pilgrim armies, should attempt the siege of 
Damascus. The monarchs immediately took the 
field, supported by the knights of the Temple and St. 
John, who, in point of courage, equalled the Chivalry 
of any country, and in discipline excelled them all. 
Nourhaddin and Saphaddin, the two sons of the 
famous Zenghi, threw what men they could suddenly 
collect into Damascus, and hastened in person to 
raise as large a force as possible to attack the Chris- 
tian army. The crusaders advanced to the city, 
drove in the Turkish outposts^ that opposed them, 
and laid siege to the fortifications, which in a short 
time were so completely ruined, that Damascus could 
hold out no longer. And yet Damascus did not fall. 
Dissension, that destroying angel of great enter- 
prises, was busy in the Christian camp. The pos- 
session of the still unconquered town^ was disputed 
among the leaders. Days and weeks passed in 
contests, and at length, when it was determined that 
the prize should be given to the Count of Flanders, 
who had twice visited the Holy Land, the decision 
caused so much dissatisfaction, that all murmured 
and none acted. Each one suspected his compa- 
nion ; dark reports and scandalous charges were mu- 
tually spread and countenanced ; the Templars were 
accused of having received a bribe from the infidels; 

1 William of Tyre ; Vert- 1. 2 Gest. regis Ludov. VIl. 3 Vertot 



HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 217 

the European monarchs' were supposed to aim at the 
subjugation of Jerusalem ; the conquerors were con- 
quered by their doubts of each other; and, retiring 
from the spot where they had all but triumphed, they 
attempted to storm the other side of the city, where 
the walls were as firm as a rock of adamant. 

Repenting of their folly, they soon were willing to 
return to their former ground, but the fortifications 
had been repaired, tne town had received fresh sup- 
plies, and Saphaddin, emir of Mousul, was marching 
to its relief. Only one plan was to be pursued. The 
siege was abandoned, and the leaders,^ discontented 
with themselves and with each other, retreated gloom- 
ily to Jerusalem. 

The Emperor of Germany set out immediately for 
Europe ; but Louis, who still hoped to find some op- 
portunity of redeeming his military fame, lingered 
for several months ; while Eleonor continued to sully 
scenes, w^hose memory is composed of all that is 
holy, with her impure amours. At length the press- 
ing entreaties of Suger induced the French monarch 
to return to his native land. There he found the au- 
thority he had confided to that great and excellent 
minister had been employed to the infinite benefit of 
his dominions— he found his finances increased and 
order established in every department of the state ;^ — 
and he found, also, that the minister Mas not only 
willing, but eager, to yi<^ld the reins of government 
to the hand from which he had received them. — 
During the absence of the king, his brother, Robert 
of Dreux, who returned before him, had endeavoured 
to thwart the noble Abbot of St. Denis, and even to 
snatch the regency from him ; but Suger boldly called 
together a general assembly of the nobility of France, 
and intrusted his cause to their decision. The court 
met at Soissons, and unanimously supported the 

' William of Tyre ; Col. script. Arab. ; Vertot. 

2 William of Tyre; Freysinghcn, reb. gest.Fred. ; Gcst.reir.Lud. VII 

» Guil. Monarh. in 'nt. Sng^r Ab. Sanct Dion. ; Gefit. rrg. I.ud. vn. 

T 



218 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 

minister against his royal opponent ; after which he 
ruled, indeed, in peace ; but Robert strove by every 
means to poison the mind of the king against him ; 
and it can be little doubted, that Louis, on his de- 
parture from Palestine, viewed the conduct of Suger 
with a very jealous eye. 

The effects of his government, however, and the 
frankness with which he resigned it, at once did 
away all suspicions. The expedition was now over, 
but yet one effort more was to be made, before we 
can consider the second crusade as absolutely termi- 
nated. 

Suger had opposed the journey of the king to the 
Holy Land, but he was not in the least wanting in 
zeal or compassionate enthusiasm in favour of his 
brethren of the east.^ Any thing but the absence of 
a monarch from his unquiet dominions he would 
have considered as a small sacrifice towards the sup- 
port of the kingdom of Jerusalem; and now, at 
seventy years, he proposed to raise an army at his 
own expense, and to finish his days in Palestine. — 
His preparations were carried on with an ardour, an 
activity, an intelligence, which would have been 
wonderful even in a man at his prime ; but, in the 
midst of his designs, he was seized with a slow fever, 
which soon showed him that his end was near. He 
saw the approach of death with firmness ; and, during 
the four months that preceded his decease, he failed 
not from the bed of sickness to continue all his 
orders for the expedition, which could no longer bring 
living glory to himself. He named the chief whom 
he thought most wortliy to lead it ; he bestowed upon 
him all the treasures he had collected for the pur- 
pose ; he gave him full instructions for his conduct, 
and he made him swear upon the Cross to fulfil his 
intentions. Having done tliis, the Abbot of St. 
Denis waited calmly the approach of that hour which 

1 GuiJ. Mona'^h. in vit. Sug 



HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 219 

was to separate him from the living; and died, 
leaving no one like him in Europe. 

With his life appears to have ended the second 
crusade, which, with fewer obstacles and greater 
facilities than the first, produced little but disgrace 
and sorrow to all by whom it was accompanied.' 



CHAPTER XI. 

Progress of Society — The Rise of Poetry in Modem Europe — Trouba 
dours — Tro^iveres — Various Poetical Compositions— Effect of Poetry 
upon Chivalry — Effect of the Crusades on Soctety— State of Palestine 
after the Second Crusade — Cession ofFAessn to the Emperor Manuel 
Comnenus — Edessa completely subjected by the Turks — Ascalom taken 
by the Christians — State of Egypt under the last Califs of the Fa- 
timite Race — The Latins and the Afabecks both design the Conquest of 
Egypt — Struggles for that Country— Rise of Saladin — Disputes 
among the Latins concerning the Succession of the Croum—Guy ofLu- 
signan crowned — Saladin invades Palestine — Battle of Tiberias — Fall 
of Jerusalem — Conquest of all Palestine — .Some Inquiry into the 
Causes of the Latin Overthrow 

Before proceeding to trace the events which oc- 
curred in the Holy Land between the second and 
third crusades, it may be as well to keep our eyes 
upon Europe for a few moments, and to remark the 
advance of society towards civilization. Prior to 
the period of the first expedition to Palestine, Ger- 
many had been occupied alone in struggling against 

1 All the writers of that day attempt to excuse St. Bernard for having 
preached a crusade which had so unfortunate a conclusion. The prin- 
ciples upon which they do so are somewhat curious. The Bishop of 
Freysinghen declares, that it was the vice of the crusaders which called 
upon their heads the wrath of Heaven : and, to reconcile this fact with 
the spirit of prophecy which elsewhere he attributes to the Abbot of 
Clairvaux, declares that prophets are not alv>ays able to prophesy. — 
Preysing. de rebus gestis Fred. Imperat. GeoffVoy of Clairvaux, who 
was a contemporary, and wrote part of the Life of St. Bernard, would 
fiiin prove that the crusade could not be called unfortunate, since, though 
it did not at all help the Hol> i'aud it served to people heaven wiih 
martyrs. 



220 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 

the papal authority, and in fighting- for dominions in 
Italy, the limits of which were always sufficiently 
vague to admit of disputes and aggressions on all 
parts. Apulia and the southern portion of Italy 
had been subjected, as we have seen, by the Nor- 
mans ; and the rest of that country, with the excep- 
tion of some small republican cities, was divided 
into feudal baronies, the right of hcmage over which 
was very uncertain. Engaged in private wars and 
feuds, where personal interest was the sole object, 
unmixed with any refining principle, the Chivalry of 
Italy made but small progress. From time to time a 
gi'eat and distinguished chief started up, and digni- 
fied his country ; but the general feeling of knightly 
zeal vvas not extended far in Italy, or was wasted in 
the petty purposes of confined and unimportant 
struggles. In Germany also Chivalry advanced but 
little. There was much dignified finnness in the 
character of the people ; and — under the walls of 
Damascus — in the wars Avith the pope, and with the 
Norman possessors of Calabria — the German knights 
evinced that in the battle-field none were more daring, 
more powerful, or more resolute ; but we find few in- 
stances where enthusiasm was mingled with valour, 
and where the ardour of chivalric devotion was 
joined to the bold courage of the Teutonic warrior. 
In Spain the spirit was at its height ; but Spain had 
her own crusades ; and it was quite enough for the 
swords of her gallant band of knights to free their 
native land, inch by inch, from her Saracen invaders. 
Military orders^ were there instituted in the middle 
of the twelfth century ; and the knights of Calatrava 
and St. James might challenge the world to produce 
a more chivalrous race than themselves ; still the ob- 
ject of all their endeavours was the freedom of their 
native country from the yoke of the Moors, and they 
engaged but little in any of those great expeditions 

• Existing orders of knighthood. 



HISTORY OF CHIVALRy. 221 

which occupied the attention and interest of the 
world. It is to France, then, and to England, under 
the dominion of its Norman monarchs, that we must 
turn our eyes ; and here, during the course of the 
twelfth century, we shall find great and extraordi- 
nary progress. 

Previous to the epoch of the crusades, France, 
though acknowledging one king, had consisted of 
various nations, whose manners, habits, and lan- 
guages differed in the most essential points.' The 
Proven9al was as opposite a being to the Frank of 
ihat day, as the Italian is now to the Russian. The 
Norman and the Breton also descended from dis- 
tinct origins, and in most cases these separate tribes 
hated each other with no slight share of enmity. 

The character of the Norman was in all times 
enterprising, wandering, cunning, and selfish ; that 
of the Breton, or Armorican, savage, ferocious, daring, 
and implacable ; but imaginative in the highest 
degree, as well as superstitious. The Provencal was 
light, avaricious, keen, active, and sensual ; the Frank, 
bold, hardy, persevering, but vain, insolent, and 
thoughtless.^ Distinctive character lies more gene- 
rally in men's faults than their virtues ; and thus, all 
these different races possessed the same higher 
qualities in common. They were brave to a prodigy ; 
energetic, talented, enthusiastic ; but during the 
eleventh, and the beginning of the twelfth centuries, 
the rude state of society in which Chivalry had arisen, 
continued to affect it still. The first crusade, how- 
ever, gave an impulse to all those countries that 
joined in it, which tended infinitely to civilize Eu- 
rope, by uniting nations and tribes, which had long 
oeen separated by different interests, in one great 
enterprise, wherein community of object, and com- 
munity of danger, necessarily harmonized many pre- 
viously discordant feelings, and did away many old 

I Fulcher ; Raoul Glaber. 2 Robert ; Fulcher ; Rainwnd d'Agilea. 
T2 



222 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 

animosities, by the strong power of mutual assist- 
ance and mutual endeavour. The babel of languages 
which Fuicher describes in the Christian camp be- 
fore long began to form itself into two more general 
tongues. Latin, notwithstanding all the support it 
received in the court, in the church, and in the schools, 
was soon confined to the cloister ; and the langue 
d^oCf or Proven9al, became the common language of 
all the provinces on the southern side of the Loire, 
while ihe langue d'oil only was spoken in the north of 
France. The manners and habits of the people, too, 
were gradually shaded into each other; the dis- 
tinctions became less defined: the Provencal no 
longer looked upon the Breton as a savage ; and the 
Frank no longer classed the Proven9al with the ape. 
A thousand alliances were formed between indivi- 
duals of diflferent tribes, and the hand of kindred 
smoothed away the remaining asperities of national 
prejudice. Such assimilations tend of course to 
calm and mollify the mind of man ; so that the gene- 
ral character of the country became of a less rude 
and ferocious nature. At this time, too, sprang up 
that greatest of all the softeners of the human heart, 
poetry; and immense was the change it wrought in the 
manners and deportment of that class which consti- 
tuted the society of the twelfth century. The poetry 
of that age bore as distinct and clear a stamp of the 
epoch to which it belonged, as any that the world 
ever produced ; and it is absurd to trace to an earlier 
day the origin of a kind of poesy which was founded 
upon Chivalry alone, and reflected nothing but the 
objects of a chivalrous society. 

It is little important which of the two tongues of 
France first boasted a national poet, and equally un- 
important which gave birth to the most excellent 
poetry. The langue d'oc was the most mellifluous ; 
the langue d^oil was the most forcible ; but neither 
brought forth any thing but the tales, the songs, the 
satires, the ballads of Chivalry. 



HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 223 

It is more than probable that some musical ear in 
Provence first applied to his own language the me- 
lody of regularly arranged syllables, and the jingle 
of rhyme. No sooner was this done than the pas- 
sion spread to all classes. Chivalrous love and chi- 
valrous warfare furnished subjects in plenty ; and 
the gai savoir^ the biau parler, became the favourite 
relaxation of those very men who wielded the lance 
and sword in the battle-field. The Troubadours were 
multiplied to infinity ; the language lent itself almost 
spontaneously to versification ; and kings, warriors, 
and ladies, as well as the professed poets, occasion- 
ally practised the new and captivating art, which at 
once increased chivalrous enthusiasm, by spreading 
and perpetuating the fame of noble deeds, and soft- 
ened the manners of the age, by the influence of 
sweet sounds and intellectual exercises. The songs 
themselves soon became as various as those who 
composed them, and were divided into Sirventes^ 
Tensoris, Pastourelles, and Nouvelles, or Contes.^ The 
Conte, or tale in verse, needs no description, and the 
nature of the Pastourelle also is self-evident. The 
Sirvente deserves more particular notice. It was in 
fact a satire, of the most biting and lively character ; 
in which wit and poetry were not used to cover or to 
temper the reprobation of either individual or gene- 
ral vice, but rather, on the contrary, to give point and 
energy to invective. The keen bitterness of the 
Troubadours spared neither rank nor caste ; kings, 
and nobles, and priests, all equally underwent the 
lash of their wit ; and it is from these very sirventes 
that we gain a clear insight into many of the cus- 
toms and manners of that day, as well as into many, 
too many, scenes of grossness and immorality, from 
which we would fain believe that Chivalry was free. 
The Tensons, or Jeux partis, were dialogues between 
two persons on some subject of love or chivalry, and 

1 Raynouard, Poesies des Troubadours; Millet, Hist, des Trouba* 
dours : Le Grand d'Aussi Fabliaux. 



224 HISTORY OF CHIVALRV. ' 

in general show far more subtilty than poetical feel- 
ing. To these were added occasional epistles in 
verse ; and Plaintes, or lamentations, in which the 
death or misfortune of a friend was mourned with a 
touching simplicity that has since been too often 
imitated with very ineffective art. Otlier composi- 
tions, such as the Auhade and the Serenade, were in 
use, the difference of whicli from the common lay 
consisted merely in their metrical construction ; the 
word alba being always repeated at the end of each 
stanza of the aubade, and the word ser continually 
terminating each division of the serenade.' Such 
was the poesy of the Langue d'oc and the Trouba- 
dours. The Langue d^oil had also its poets, the Trou- 
veres, and its poesy, which differed totally from that 
of the Langue d'oc. The art was here more ambi- 
tious than with the Proven9als ; and we find, among 
the first productions of the Trouveres, long and com- 
plex poems, which would fain deserve the name of 
Epics. The first of these, both in date and impor- 
tance, is the Norman romance of Rou, which bears a 
considerable resemblance, in its object and manner, 
to the fragments of old Scandinavian poetry which 
have come down to us, but has a continuous and uni- 
form subject, and strong attempts at unity of design. 
The romance of the Rose also, commenced by Guil- 
laume de Lorris,^ and concluded by Jean de Meung, 
is one of the most extraordinary compositions that 
the world ever pioduced, and stands perfectly alone 
— an allegory in twenty-two thousand verses ! Va- 
rious subjects, quite irrelevant to the object of the 
song, are introduced in its course ; and the poet min- 
gles his tale with satire and sarcasm, which were 
fully as often misdirected as deserved. Besides 
these were all the famous romances of Chivalry 
which probably originated in the fabulous but inte 
resting story of Charlemagne's visit to the Holy 

» Raynouard. 2 Oeuvres de Marot. 



HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 225 

Land, falsely attributed to the archbishop Turpin. 
This work bears internal evidence of having been 
written after the first crusade, and, we have reason 
to suppose, was translated into French,^ from the 
Latin manuscript of some monkish author. 

In all the romances of the Round Table, we trace 
the end of the twelfth, and the beginning of the 
thirteenth century. They could not have been com- 
posed prior to that epoch ; for we find many customs 
and objects mentioned, which were not known at an 
earlier period ; and it is probable, from various cir- 
cumstances, that they are not referable to a later 
age. Besides these, multitudes of Fabliaux^ have 
descended to us from the Trouveres, and in this sort 
of composition, it is but fair to say, we find more 
originality, variety, and strength, though less sweet- 
ness and less enthusiasm, than among the composi- 
tions of the Troubadours. At this period also we 
meet with an institution in Provence, of which T 
shall speak but slightly, from many motives, though 
undoubtedly it had a great influence upon the charac- 
ter of Chivalry : I mean the Court of Love, as it was 
called, where causes concerning that passion were 
tried and judged as seriously, as if feelings could be 
submitted to a tribunal. Could that be the case, the 
object of such a court should certainly be very 
different from that of the Proven9al Court of Love, 
the effect of which was any thing but to promote 
morality. It tended, however, with every thing else, 
to soften the manners of the country, though all the 
mad absurdities to which it gave rise were a scandal 
and a disgrace to Europe. 

Besides all these causes of mitigation, the con- 
stant journeys of the people of Europe to the Holy 
Land taught them gradually the customs of other 
nations ; and in that age there was much good to be 
learned by a frequent intercourse with foreigners. 

« Fauchet 2 Le Grand d'Aussi 



226 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 

The great want of Europe was civilization ; the vices 
of the day were pretty equally spread through all 
countries, and the very circumstance of mingling 
with men of different habits and thoughts promoted, 
the end to be desired, without bringing any great 
importation of foreign follies or crimes. Many use* 
ful arts, and many sciences, previously unknown 
were also obtained from the Saracens themselves- 
and though in the crusades Europe sacrificed a hosi 
of her noblest knights, and spent immense treasures 
and energies, yet she derived, notwithstanding, no 
small benefit from her communication with Pales- 
tine. 

The state of that country, in the mean while, was 
every day becoming more and more precarious. 
The nations by whom it was surrounded were im- 
proving in military discipline, in political knowledge, 
and in the science of timing and combining their 
efforts, while the Christians were losing ground in 
every thing but courage. The military orders of the 
Temple and St. John were the bulwarks of the Latin 
kingdom of Jerusalem; but at the same time, by 
their pride, their disputes, and their ambition, they 
did nearly as much to undermine its strength at home 
as they did to support it with their swords in the field 
of battle. 

It would be endless to trace all the events in Pa- 
lestine which brought about the third crusade, and to 
investigate minutely the causes which worked out 
the ruin of the Christian dominion in the Holy Land. 
The simple facts must be enough in this place. 

Although the crusade which went forth for the ex- 
press purpose of delivering Edessa never even at- 
tempted that object, Joscelyn of Courtenay did not ne- 
glect to struggle for his lost territory, and gained some 
splendid successes over the infidels, which were all in 
turn reversed, by his capture and death in prison.' 

I Bernard, '.he Treasurer ; Jair.e« of Vitrv A'^illiam of Tyre. 



HISTORy^ OF CHIVALRY. 227 

After his failure, the difficulty of keeping Edessa 
was so apparent, that the monarch of Jerusalem' 
determined to yield it to the Emperor Manuel 
Comnenus, on condition of his defending it against 
the Turks. Manuel, therefore, received the princi- 
pality ; but the weak and cowardly Greeks soon lost 
what the valiant Franks could not maintain ; and be- 
fore a year was over, Nourhaddin the Great, sul- 
taun of Aleppo, was in full possession of Edessa and 
all its dependencies. Baldwin III., however, who 
had cast off the follies of his youth, and now dis- 
played as great qualities as any of his race, more 
than compensated for the loss of that principality by 
the capture of Ascalon.^ 

After this great success, eight years of varied war- 
fare followed ; and at the end of that period Baldwin 
died, leaving behind him the (character of one of the 
noblest of the Latin kings. His brother Almeric as- 
cended the vacant throne, but with talents infinitely 
inferior, and a mind in no degree calculated to cope 
with the great and grasping genius of Nourhaddin, 
who combined, in rare union, fhe qualities of an am 
bitious and politic monarch with the character of a 
liberal, frugal, and unostentatious man. 

Almeric was ambitious also ; but his avarice was 
always a check on his ambition, and he suffered him- 
self often to be bribed, where he might have con- 
quered. At this time^ the Fatimite califs of Egypt 
had fallen into a state of nonentity. The country 
was governed by a vizier, and the high office was 
struggled for by a succession of military adven- 
turers. 

Such a state of things awakened the attention of 
the monarchs of Jerusalem and Aleppo, and each 
resolved to make himself master of Egypt. An op- 
portunity soon presented itself. Shawer, the vizier 
of Egypt, was expelled from his post by Dargham, 

I William of Tyre; Bernard. 2 William of Tyr^. 

3 Cardinal of Vitry ; William of Tyre. 



228 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 

a soldier of fortune. The disgraced vizier fled to 
the court of Nourhaddin, and prayed for assistance 
against the usurper. Nourhaddin willingly granted 
a request which yielded the means of sending his 
troops into Egypt; and two Curdish refugees, uncle 
and nephew, who had risen high in his army,' under 
the names of Assad Eddyn Chyrkouh, and Salah 
Eddyn or Saladin, were despatched with considera- 
ble forces to expel Dargham, and to re-establish 
Shawcr. Dargham saw the gathering storm, and to 
shelter himself from its fury called the Christians 
from Palestine to his aid. But the movements of 
the Moslems were more rapid than those of Almeric ; 
and, before the King of Jerusalem could reach Cairo, 
Chyrkouh had given battle to Dargham, and defeated 
and killed him, and Shawer was repossessed of the 
authority he had lost. Shawer soon found that his 
power was fully as much in danger from his allies 
as it had been from his enemies ; and, to resist the 
Turks whom he had brought into Egypt, he was 
obliged to enter into a treaty with the Christians. 
Almeric marched immediately to Cairo, and after a 
multitude of manoeuvres and skirmishes, forced 
Chyrkouh and Saladin to quit the country ; display- 
ing, through the whole of this war, more scientific 
generalship than was at all usual in that age. No 
sooner were the Turks gone, than the Latin mo- 
narch^ broke his truce with the Egyptians, and Shawer 
was once more obliged to apply to Nourhaddin. 
Chyrkouh again advanced into the Fatimite domi- 
nions with increased forces, obliged Almeric to retreat 
with great loss, took possession of Cairo, beheaded 
Shawer, and installed himself in the office of vizier 
to Adhad, calif of Egypt, though he still retained the 
title of lieutenant for Nourhaddin of Aleppo. Not 
long after these successes, Cliyrkouh died, and Nour- 
haddin, doubtful of the fidelity of the Turkish emirs, 

» Cardinal of Vitry ; Will, of Tyre. 2 Bernard ; Willi.im of Tyre. 



HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 229 

gave the vacant post to Saladin, the nephew of the 
late vizier ; in which clioice he was as much guided by 
the apparently reckless and pleasure-seeking despot- 
ism of the young Curdish chief, as by the militaiy 
skill he had shown when forced unwillingly into ac- 
tion. Saladin, however, was scarcely invested with 
supreme power in Egypt when his real character 
appeared. He cast from him -he follies with which 
he had veiled his great and aaring mind ; and, by 
means of the immense treasures placed at his com- 
mand, soon bound to his interests many who had 
been at first disgusted by his unexpected elevation. 
The califs of Egypt had been always considered as 
schismatics by the califs of Bagdat, to whom Nour- 
haddin still affected homage ; and Saladin was forth- 
with instructed to declare the Fatimite dynasty at an 
end, and to re-establish in Egypt the nominal domi- 
nion of the Abassides. This was easily accomplished; 
Adhad, the calif, either died before the revolution 
was completed, or was strangled in the bath ; the 
people little cared under whose yoke they laboured. 
The children of the late calif were confined in the 
harem ; and IMotshadi, calif of Bagdat, was prayed 
for as God's vicar on earth. 

Saladin's ambitious proje(-ts became eveiy day 
more and more apparent, and Nourhaddin was not 
blind to the conduct of his ofllcer. Submission 
quieted his suspicions for a time ; and, though re- 
peated causes for fresh jealousy arose, he was 
obliged to forego marching into Egypt in person, as 
he undoubtedly intended, till death put a stop to all 
liis schemes. No sooner was Nourhaddin dead, 
than Almeric attacked his widow at Paneas,' and 
Saladin began to encroach upon other parts of his 
territories : but Saladin was the only gainer by the 



1 William of Tyre: James of Vitrj' ; OuiUelm de Nangis; Cliroa 
auQ. 1174. 

u 



230 HISTORY OF CHIVALRV. 

death of the great snltaun, and made himself master, 
by various means, of the whole of his Syrian domi- 
nions, while internal dissensions and changes in the 
government of Palestine gradually weakened every 
bulwark of the Latin throne. Almeric' died in re- 
turning from Paneas, and his son, Baldwin 1^ , sur- 
named the Leper, succeeded him. Had his corpo- 
real powers been equal to the task of royalty, it is 
probable that Baldwin would have been a far greater 
monarch than his father ; but, after many struggles 
for activity, he found that disease incapacitated him 
for energetic rule, and he intrusted the care of the 
state to Guy of Lusignan, who had married his sister 
Sybilla, widow of the Marquis of Montferrat, to 
whom she had borne one son.^ 

Guy of Lusignan soon showed himself unworthy 
of the charge, and Baldwin,^ resuming the govern- 
ment, endeavoured to establish it in such a form 
that it might uphold itself after his death, which he 
felt to be approaching. With this view he offered 
the administration to the Count of Tripoli,'* during 
the minority of his sister's child ; but the Count 
refused to accept it, except under condition that the 
charge of the young prince should be given to Jos- 
celyn de Courtenay, the surviving branch of the 
Courtenays of Edessa, and son of tlie unhappy count 
w^ho died in a Saracen prison. He also stipulated 
that the castles and fortresses of the kingdom should 
be garrisoned by the Hospitallers and Templars; 
and that in case the boy should die in his youth, the 
question of succession should be determined by the 
Pope, the Emperor of Germany, the King of France, 

« William of Tyre. 2 Jacob. Vilr. 

8 Bernard the Treasurer says, that the monarch wished to annul the 
marriage between his sister and Guy. " Si prans haine estoit entre Je 
roy at le cuens de Jaffeque chaseun jor cressoit plus et plus el jusque a 
tant estoit la chose venue que le roy queroit achaison par quoy il peut 
desevrer tot apertement le rnariage qui ieit entre lui et sa seror." 

* William of Tyre ; Bernard the Treasurer ; .Tames of Vilry. 



HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 231 

and tlie King of England.' Not many years after 
this the king died, and Baldwin V. succeeded, but 
his death followed immediately upon his accession. 
Without abiding by the dispositions of the former 
monarch, no sooner was the young king dead, than 
the Grand Master of the Temple, Renauld of Cha- 
tillon, Count of Karac, and the Patriarch of Jerusa- 
lem joined to raise Sybilla to the throne, in spite of 
the formal protest of all the other barons and the 
Grand Master of the Hospital. The gates of Jeru- 
salem were shut f and it was only by sending one 
of their followers, disguised as a monk, that the no- 
bles assembled with the Count of Tripoli at Naplousa 
could gain any tidings of what passed. Sybilla was 
crowned in form ; and then the patriarch, pointing to 
the other crown which lay upon the altar, told her 
that it was hers to dispose of, on which she imme- 
diately placed it on the head of Guy of Lusignan.^ 
After this some of the barons refused to do homage 
to the new king, and some absented themselves 
from his court ; but the imminent danger in which 
the country was placed at length brought back a 
degree of concord, when concord could no longer 
avail. 

Saladin had by this time made himself master of 
all Syria ;■* and had not only consolidated into one 
great monarchy dominions which for ages had been 
separated into petty states, but also, by the inces- 
sant application of a powerful and expansive mind, 
he had drawn forth and brought into action many 
latent but valuable resources which had previously 
been unknown or forgotten. He had taught the 
whole interests of his people to centre in his own 
person, and he now determined to direct their ener- 
gies to one great and important enterprise. That 
enterprise was the conquest of Palestine, and with 

• Bernard the Treasurer ; James of Vitry. 

2 Bernard the Treasurer. 3 Rog. of Hovedon. 

* William of Tyre ; William de Nangis. 



232 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 

Jin army of fifty thousand horse, and near two hun- 
dred thousand foot, he advanced towards Jerusalem, 
and laid siege to Tiberias.' Within the walls of that 
fortress the Countess of Tripoli held out against the 
Saracens, while her husband joined Guy of Lusignan, 
and brought his forces to the field in defence of the 
Holy Land. 

The conduct of the Count of Tripoli is very ob- 
scure.^ That from time to time he had treated with 
the Saracens is evident, and almost every European 
authority, except Mills, accuses him of having, in 
this instance, betrayed his countrymen into the hands 
of the infidels. Whether witli or against his advice 
matters little to the general result — the Christians 
marched down to meet Saladin at Tiberias." Beyond 
doubt it was by the counsel of the Count of Tripoli 
that they pitched their tents in a spot where no water 
was to be found. The troops suffered dreadfully 
from thirst ; and in the morning, when they advanced 
to attack Saladin in the cool of the dawn, the wary 
monarch retired before them, resolved not to give 
them battle till the heat of the risen sun had added 
to their fatigues. To increase the suffocating warmth 
of a Syrian summer's day, he set fire to the low 
bushes and shrubs which surrounded the Christian 
camp; so that when the battle did begin, the Latin 
forces were quite overcome with weariness and 
drought. The contest raged throughout the day, the 
Christians fighting to reach the wells which lay 
behind the Saracen power,* but in vain ; and night 
fell, leaving the strife still doubtful. The next morn- 
ing the Latins and Turks again mixed in combat. 
The Count of Tripoli^ forced his way through the 
Saracens, and escaped unhurt ; but the scimitars of 
the Moslems mowed down whole ranks of the Chris- 
tians, for their immense superiority of numbers 

I Bernard; William ofNangis. 2 Will. Neub. 

3 Bernard. 4 William of Nangii 

6 Bernard the Treasurer; William of Nangis. 



HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 233 

allowed them to surround the height upon which the 
king and the chief of his army were stationed, and 
to wage the warfare at once against every face of 
the Latin host. Such a conflict could not long 
endure. Multitudes of the infidels fell, but their 
loss was nothing in proportion to their number, 
when compared with that which their adversaries 
underwent. 

The Grand Master of the Hospital' alone clove his 
way from the field of battle, after having staid till 
victory had settled upon the Paynim banners. He 
reached Ascalon that night, but died on the following 
day of the wounds he had received. The King — 
Renault de Chatillon, Count of Karac, who had so 
often broken faith with the Moslems — and the Grand 
Master of the Temple, whose whole order was in 
abhorrence among the Mussulmans — were taken 
alive and carried prisoners to the tent of Saladin. 
That monarch remained for some time on the field, 
giving orders that the knights of St. John^ and those 
of the Temple, who had been captured, should in- 
stantly embrace Islamism, or undergo the fate of the 
scimitar. A thousand acts of cruelty and aggression 
on their part had given cause to such deadly hatred; 
but at the hour of death not one knight could be 
brought to renounce his creed ; and they died with 
that calm resolution which is in itself a glory. After 
this bloody consummation of his victory, Saladin 
entered the tent where Lusignan and his companions 
expected a similar fate : but Saladin, thirsty himself, 
called for iced sherbet, and having drank, handed 
the cup to the fallen monarch, a sure pledge that his 
life was secure. Lusignan in turn passed it to 
Renaul of Chatillon.^ but the sultaun, starting up, ex- 
claimed, " No hospitality for the breaker of all en- 
gagements !"^ and before Chatillon could drink, M'ith 

I Vertot. 2 Rog. of Hovedon ; William of Nangis. 

' William of Nangis ; Bernard the Treasurer. 
4 Some writers stale that Saladin proposed do Chatillon to abjura 
U2 



234 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 

one blow of his scimitar, Saladin severed his head 
from his body. 

Tiberias surrendered immediately. City after city 
now fell into the power of the victor, and at length, 
after an obstinate defence, Jerusalem once more was 
trodden by the Moslems.* But the conduct of the 
infidel sultaun on this occasion shames the cruelty 
of the crusaders. When the people could hold out 
no longer, Saladin, who had at first offered the most 
advantageous terms, insisted that the city should 
now throw itself upon his mercy. 

He then agreed upon a moderate ransom for the 
prisoners, and promised to let each man carry forth 
his goods without impediment. When this was done, 
with extraordinary care he saw that neither insult 
nor injury should be offered to the Christians ; and, 
having taken possession of the town, he placed a 
guard at one of the gates to receive the ransom of 
the inhabitants as they passed out. Nevertheless, 
when the whole wealth which could be collected in 
the town had been paid down, an immense number 
of the poorer Christians remained unredeemed. 
These were destined to be slaves ; but Bernard the 
Treasurer relates, that Saif Eddyn, the brother of 
the monarch, begged the liberty of one thousand of 
these, and that about the same number were deli- 
vered at the prayer of the Patriarch and of Balean 
de Ibelyn,- who had commanded in the place, and 
communicated with the Curdish monarch on its sur- 
render. After this Saladin declared that his brother, 
the Patriarch, and Ibelyn had done their alms, and 
that now he would do his alms also ; on which he 
caused it to be proclaimed through the city,^ that all 
the poor people who could give no ransom might go 



Christianity, which he boldly refused : but others do not mention the 
circumstance, and the act of Saladin seems to me to have been more one 
of ha-ty passion than of deliberation. i Bernard. 

2 Bernard the Treasurer; Continuation of William of Tyre 

3 William of Nfing s. 



HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 235 

forth in safety by the gate of St. Lazarus; but he 
ordered that if any attempted to take advantage of 
this permission who really could pay for their deli- 
verance, they should be instantly seized and cast into 
prison. Many of the nobler prisoners also he freed 
at the entreaty of the Christian ladies ; and in his 
whole conduct he showed himself as moderate in 
conquest as he was great in battle. 

Antioch and the neighbouring towns, as well as 
the greater part of the county of Tripoli,' were soon 
reduced to the Saracen yoke, and with the exception 
of Tyre, which was defended by the gallant Conrad, 
Marquis of Montferrat, the whole of Palestine be- 
came subject to the victor of Tiberias. 

Such was the sudden and disastrous termination 
of the Christian dominion in the Holy Land ;' a mis- 
fortune which all the contemporary writers attribute 
to the vices of the inhabitants. Without presuming 
to assign it, as they do, to the special wrath of Hea- 
ven, we may nevertheless believe that the gross and 
scandalous crimes of ihe people of Jerusalem greatly 
accelerated its return to the Moslem domination. 
After the successes of the first crusade, the refuse 
of European populations poured into Palestine in 
hopes of gain, and brought all their vices to add to 
the stock of those that the country already pos- 
sessed. The clergy were as licentious as the laity, 
the chiefs as immoral as the people. Intestine quar- 
rels are sure to follow upon general crime ; and un- 
bridled passions work as much harm to the society 
in which they are tolerated, as to the individuals on 
whom they are exercised. The Latins of Palestine 
retained their courage, it is true; but they knew no 
confidence in eacli other. Virtue, the great bond 
of union, subsisted not among them, and each one 
caballed, intrigued, and strove against his neighbour. 
The ambition of the two great military orders bred 

> Bernard. « James of Vitry ; Bernard ; William of Tyra 



236 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 

continual hatred and opposition,' and tlie discord that 
existed between the Hospitallers and the clergy- 
caused another breach in the harmony of the state. 

During the time that the kingdom of Jerusalem 
was thus dividing itself, by passions and vices, into 
ruinous factions and enfeebled bodies, Saladin and 
those that preceded him were bending all their ener- 
gies to consolidate their power and extend their domi- 
nion. Zenghi was a great warrior, Nourhaddin a 
great monarch,^ and Saladin added to the high quali- 
ties of both, not only a degree of civilization in his 
own person which neither had known, but, what was 
still more, the spirit of civilization in his heart. 

Saladin was as superior to any of the princes of 
Palestine in mind as he was in territory ; and with 
clear and general views of policy, keenness and 
strength of perception in difficulties, consummate 
skill in war, innumerable forces, and the hearts of 
his soldiers, it was impossible that he should not 
conquer. There can be no doubt that the Latins 
were a more powerful and vigorous race of men 
than the Turks. The event of every combat evinced 
it ; and even in their defeats, they almost always left 
more dead upon the field of the enemy's forces than 
of their own. Their armour, too, was weightier,^ and 
their horses heavier and more ovei-powering in the 
charge. But the Turkish horseman and the Turkish 
horse were more active and more capable of bearing 
long fatigue, privation, and heat than the European ; 
and this in some degree made up for the slighter form 
and lighter arms of the Saracen. 

In war, also, as a science, the Turks had improved 
more than the Christians. We find that the troops 
of Saladin employed means in their sieges that they 
had acquired from the crusaders; that they stood 
firmly the charge of the cavalry ; that tliey now fought 
hand to hand with the mailed warriors of Europe, 

J Bernard ; Albert. 2 William of Tyre. 

• Albert of A;x ; Fulcher ; Robort. 



HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 237 

and mixed all the modes of chivalrous warfare with 
those they liad practised before. 

We do not perceive, however, that the Latins 
adopted their activity or their skill with the bow ; 
and at the same time it must be remarked, that the 
armies of the Moslem fought as a whole, under the 
absolute command of one chief; while the Chris- 
tians, divided in the battle as in the time of peace, 
were broken into separate corps under feudal leaders, 
who each consulted his own will fully as much as 
that of his sovereign. 

Many other causes might be traced for the Chris- 
tian fall and the Mussuhnan triinnph ; but perhaps 
more has been already said than was required. 
Whatever were the causes the result was the same 
— Jerusalem was taken by the Moslem, and conster- 
nation spread through Christendom. 



CHAPTER XII. 



Tlie News of the Fate of Palestine reaches Europe— The Archbishop of 
Tyre comes to seek for Aid— Assistance granted by William the 
Good, of Sicily— Death of Urban, from Grief at the Loss of Jerw 
salern — Gregory VIll. promotes a Crusade— Expedition of FYederic, 
Emperor of Germany— His Successes— His Death— State of Europe- 
Crusade promoted by the Troubadours— Philip Augustus and Henry 
n. take the Cross— Laws enacted— Saladin's tenth—War renewed— 
Death of Henry IT. — Accession of Richard C(rur de Lion — The Cru- 
sade — Philip's March — Richard's March — Affairs of Sicily — Quarrels 
between the Monarchs— Philip goes to Acre— Richard subdues Cy- 
prus — Arrives at Acre — Siege and Taking of Acre — Fresh Disputes- 
Philip Augustus returns to Europe — Richard marches on — Battle 
of Azotus — Heroism of Richard— Unsteady Councils — The Enter- 
prise abandoned. 

We have seen the solicitations of the church, and 
the eloquence of two extraordinary men, produce the 
first and second crusades ; but many other incite- 
ments were added to clerical exhortations before the 



238 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 

inveterate enmity of the French and Enghsh could 
oe sufficiently cahned to permit of aixy thing hke a 
united expedition for the recovery of the Holy Land. 
The Italian merchants,^ who at that time carried 
on the commerce of the world, were the first that 
brought to Europe the terrible news of the battle of 
Tiberias, the capture of Jerusalem, and the fall of Pa- 
lestine : but very soon after, William of Tyre,^ the 
noble historian of the crusades, set out in person to 
demand assistance in behalf of his afflicted country 
from all the princes of Christendom. He first landed 
in Sicily, where William, king of that country, who 
had married Joan of England, received him with 
kindness, and instantly took measures for furnishing 
such assistance to the Christians of the Holy Land, 
that the small territory yet unconquered might be 
successfully defended till further succour could 
arrive. Three hundred knights and a considerable 
naval force were despatched at once ; and W' illiam 
of Sicily was continuing zealously his preparations, 
when death cut him off in the midst ; and the crown 
was seized by Tancred, natural son of Roger L 

From Sicily, the Archbishop of Tyre proceeded to 
Rome ; but he only arrived in time to witness the 
death of Pope Urban IH.,^ whose mind was so deeply 
aflfected by the loss of the Holy Land, and the capture 
of the sepulchre, that his enfeebled constitution gave 
way under the shock, and he hterally died of grief. 
Gregory VIIL, who succeeded, lost not a moment in 
preaching a new crusade ; and during his short pon- 
tificate of but two months, he left no means untried 
to heal the dissensions of Christendom, and to turn 
the arms of the princes who now employed them 
against each other to the service of God, as it waa 



1 There is a letter in Hovedon from a Templar to Henry II., giving an 
account of the state of Jerusalem and the Holy Land, dated 1179. 

2 Bernard the Treasurer; William of Nangis, A. D. 1188; B. Petejr 
borough •'' Williainde Nang s ; Jacob. Vit. lib. i. 



HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 239 

then considered, in the dehverance of that land which 
had been sanctified by his advent. 

The first who took the Cross was the famous Fre- 
deric Barbarossa,' who conducted a magnificent 
army across Hungary and Greece, saw through and 
defeated the perfidious schemes of the Greek empe- 
ror, Isaac Angelus,^ passed on into Asia Minor, over- 
threw in a pitched battle the Saracen forces which 
had been called against him by the base and cowardly 
Greek, and took the city of Iconium itself. Such 
splendid successes, with so little loss, had never 
before attended any Christian host ; but the light that 
shone upon the German arms was soon changed to 
darkness by the death of Frederic, who, bathing im- 
prudently in the Orontes,^ returned to his tent in a 
dying state, and soon after expired* at seventy years 
of age. After the decease of the emperor, while 
Henry, his eldest son, who had remained in Germany,, 
assumed the imperial crown, Philip Duke of Suabia 
led on the host towards Antioch. But the very name 
of Frederic had been a subject of such fear, even to 
Saladin himself,^ that he had ordered the towns of 
Laodicea, Ghibel, Tortosa, Biblios, Berytes, and Si- 
don to be dismantled at the approach of the Germans. 
Now, again, the Saracens resumed the oflfensive; 
and, between war and famine, the Teutonic crusa- 
ders were reduced to a small body when they reached 
Antioch. Their force was still sufficient to give 
them the command of that city, and proved a most 
serviceable aid to the Christian troops, who were 
slowly beginning to rally throughout Palestine. A 
new military institution was soon after attached, by 
the duke of Suabia, to the German hospital, which 

1 Bernard the Treasurer. 2 a. D. 1189, 1190. 

3 I have followed James of Vitry. Some say that Frederic's death 
proceeded from bathin? in the Cydnus, and some in the Calycadnus. 
The matter is of little moment ; but, as he was descending towards An- 
tioch at the time, it is not improbable that the Cardinal de Vitry- was 
right. Emadeddin, in the collection of Arabic historians by Rcinaud, 
cals this river the Selef. 

4 .I:icob Vit.; Hist. Hieros. ah.; Bernardus ; Lection. Canisias AntiqnaBt 
^ Jtuitcs of Vitry. 



240 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 

had been founded at Jerusalem many years before 
by some northern merchants, and had since been 
greatly enlarged by the Hanseatic' traders of Bremen 
and Lubec. On this establishment he grafted the 
Order of the Knights of the Holy Cross, or the Teu- 
tonic knights of the Hospital of St. Mary ,2 which 
soon greatly increased, and was sanctioned by papal 
authority. 

I must now return to France and England, where 
private feuds had prevented the distresses of Palestine 
from producing so immediate an effect as they had 
wrought with the Germans. Henry H. had, as we 
have already seen, espoused Eleonor, the repudiated 
wife of Louis VII., and had obtained with her the 
wliole of Aquitain.^ This, in addition to Normandy, 
which he also held as a feudatory of the French 
crown, rendered the kingly vassal a greater territorial 
lord than even the sovereign to whom he did homage 
for his continental lands. Such a state of things, 
was alone quite sufficient to cause endless dissen- 
sions ; but soon more immediate matter was found. 
Louis VII. died. Phihp Augustus succeeded, yet in 
his youth; and Henry II., after having himself, in 
execution of the feudal duty' of the dukes of Nor- 
mandy, lifted the crown witli which Philip's brow 
was to be decorated, endeavoured to strengthen his 
own part)'' in France as much as possible against the 
young monarch. His second son , Geoffrey, he mar- 
ried to Constance, Dutchess of Brittany : his eldest 
son, Henry, espoused Marguerite, sister of Philip, 
and received with her the lordship of Gisors,'' and the 
territory of the Vexin. Prince Henry died early, 
leaving no children ; and the land, by his marriage 
contract, reverted to the crown of France ; but his 
father refused to yield it. War broke out in conse- 

1 Pet. de Dusburg. ; Chron. Ord. Teuton. 

2 Existing Orders of Knighthood ; James of Vitry. 

3 Vit. Ludovic VII. : Roger de ITovedon. 

< Rigord de geat. Phil. Aug ; Hovedon ; Robert, de Monte 



HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 24i 

quence, and was raging fiercely when the news ©f 
the fall of Jerusalem reached Europe. The tidings 
were so unexpected, each one felt so deep and reli- 
gious a devotion for the Holy Land, every knight had 
there so many relations or friends, that the news 
found a thousand avenues open to the hearts of all 
who heard it. The world, too, was then mad with 
song. Nations in that early age had all the zealous 
passions of youth. That fresh ardour — that wild 
spirit of pursuit, which almost every one must have 
felt in his own young days, was then the character 
of society at large. Europe was as an enthusiastic 
boy, and whatever it followed, love, religion, song, 
it followed with the uncontrolled passion, the fiery 
desire which burns but in the days of boyhood 
among nations as among men. Poetry had now be- 
come both the great delight, and the great mover of 
the day ; and all the eloquence of verse found a fit 
subject in the sorrows of Palestine. The Trouba- 
dours' and the Trouveres vied with each other, which 
should do most to stimulate the monarchs and the 
Chivalry of Europe to lay aside their private quarrels, 
and to fly to the deliverance of the Holy Land. The 
plainte was heard from castle to castle, mourningover 
the loss of Jerusalem. The sirvente and the fabliau 
were spread far and wide, lashing with all the viru- 
lence of indignant satire those whom feuds or in- 
terests withheld from the battles of the Cross. The 
papal authority enjoined, with its menaces and its 
inducements, peace to Europe and war to the Sa- 
racen : but even superstition and zeal eflfected little, 
when compared with the power of the new passion 
for song. The first crusade had been the eflfect of a 
general enthusiasm ; the second of individual elo- 
quence ; but this was the crusade of poetry. The 
first two were brought aboVt by the clergy alone ; 
but this was the work of the Troubadours. 



J G offroi Rudel in Ra>'nouard ; Milloi : Ducangt. 

X 



242 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 

A truce between ITeniy II. and Philip Au/J^stiw 
was airreecl upiui, aiul n nieetini? was fixed between 
Trie and (iisors,' for the purposf of eonsiderin*^ the 
manner of setthn^- all (hllicuhit s, and the best means 
of dtdiverinj; jfiusahin. 'I'ho whohi t)f the baions 
of France and lliii^land were ^resent at tiiis parUa- 
ment, \\'hich was ht Id in the month id' Jainciry, and 
mutual jcalousu's and hatu'd hatl nearly turned the 
assfuibh , whu-li met to promote ])eace, to the pur- 
poses of blooilsheil. At length the Cardmal of Al- 
bano and VVdIiain, Archbishop of Tyre, presented 
themselves to the nu'etin^s ioul liie oriental prelate 
having' relateil all the horrors he had hims(df beheld 
in tin* Holy Land — the slan<(hterof 'JMberias, the fall 
of Jerusalem, the ]iollntton of tlu^ temj)le, and the 
<*aptme of the sepulclue — the symbol of the Cross 
was unainmously adoi)ted by all; private wars were 
laid aside, and a mode of proi-eedin/j^ was determined 
on which promisetl to furnish vast sujipHes for the 
holy enterprise fowhu-h the km^s and barons bound 
f heiuseh'es. 

The fust of the measures resolved was to enforce 
a general contribution Irom all persons who did not 
take the Cross, whether cleriiy or laity, towards de- 
fraying the expense of the crusade. This consisted 
of a tenth of all |)ossessions, whether landed or per- 
sonal, and M'as called Salndin's tithe. Each lord, 
clerical or secular, had the rii^ht of raising- this tax 
within his own feotf. 'I'he lord of the conunune 
could alone tithe his burghers, the archbishop his 
see, the abbot the lands of tlie monastery, the chapter 
the lands of the church. Any km^ht haviny^ taken 
the Cross, and beiui,'- the Iciritimate heir of a kniirht 
o;a widow" whohad not taken the Cross, was entitled 
to lay the tax upon the laiuls of tlie other; while all 
who refused or neglected to pay then quota were 
^Mven absolutely to the disposal of Inm who had the 

I Willinm :>f Nancis, A I). 11S8; Rigord 

i Rigord in w Philip Augxiiu ; fJMil iloXan^ift, A D lIf\K 



IIIHTOItV OF CHIVALRV. 21 .'i 

ni(hl lo i<'.(\M\it', jf,. Al llic H-.uiut iifsnt that «iich 
iiihicAum^i w(u<i a(ljij<jj(ed lo those who rt-;}h<:Ut(i ituj 
(tnll lo lh<:! Holy iiUiid, ina.ny irrirnu/jilies wer«t axj* 
conled to wiif^h ah followed Dm rtrusade. (//<;al faci- 
iities were {(ive;i to all the eruHaxleiw (or ihepay/nent 
of their aiitefior deht« ; hut they were hy Jio loeaii*, 
an lia« heen f/equei»tly a>>!</^rted,' Ijherated from all 
eti|/aj/erne/il« duri/ij^ the tifae they were oceupied in 
tlie expedition. Su<;h were the re;(ulatio»j8 which 
w(tr(i fir«t hrou^'ht forward at (^iHor«. Kaeh of the 
inoiiafch^ j^opohed thern afl<;rwa/d to a wepa/ate 
eoiirt r>f thftii haro/18 and elerj(y, I'hjlip at J'an«, and 
Heniy, fir^t at Jtoiien, to hih Norinan eoiineil, and 
afi<irv/ard to his Knjfliflh vahsals at Gedduigton, in 
Northajnplonfihire. 

All seemed now to lend rapidly towards the great 
etiterpn^ie ; nothn)f( was ween in the various coun- 
tries hut the syrnhol of the Cross, which in Kn;^laad 
was of enaiiut or white, of f^uUs Dt red for France, 
and of nynopU or i(reen for inlanders. 

iiut the whole current of f^'.eling was suddenly 
turned, by an a}<{/res«iou of Kichard, iJuke of Gui- 
enrie, afterward Kinjrof Knj^land, Uf>on the territo- 
ries of the Count of 'I'oulouse. Philip Auj^ustus 
flew to arms Uj avenj^e his vassal and friend; 
Ui'.'hard met him with erpial fierceness, and the feuds 
between France and J"^n^4and were renewed with 
ifHtreased violences Many of tlui French and Kng- 
lish knights, s<jveial of the clergy of the two coun- 
tries, Ujgether with a great multitude of Germans, 
Italians, and Flemings, waited not for the tardy 
journey of the <;rusa/Jing monarchs, but passed over 
into the Holy iiand, and joined themselves to Guy 
of liusignan, who ha/1 now <jollected the remnants 
of all the military orders, and with those princes and 
knights who ha/1 escaped the Moslem scimitar, was 

' **Wf iligord, wli.0 given niinutdy t*w: KUitut«« oii thU oc^wsio*), 
WlJItuii UiK UrtrUjtt. 



244 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 

engaged in besieging Acre. His forces' gradually 
increased till they became immense ; and, owing to 
the skill of those by whom he was accompanied, 
rather than his own, the camp of Lusignan was for- 
tified in such a manner that no efforts of the Sara^ 
cens could penetrate its lines. Saladin pitched hi? 
tents on the mountains to the south, not long aftei 
the Christians had undertaken the siege, and innu 
merable battles in the open field succeeded, in which 
neither army gained any material advantage that 
was not compensated by some following reverse. 

The fleet of the Saracens supplied the town,^ and 
the fleet of the Christians brought aid to the camp, 
so that the conflict seemed to be interminable, from 
the equal zeal and force of the contending parties. 

In the mean while, the war between Henry and 
Philip continued ; and, from a personal dispute 
between Richard Coeur de Lion and the French 
monarch, had so changed its character, that Richard, 
accompanied by his brother John, went over to the 
faction of the enemy, and did homage to the crown 
of France.^ Henry, abandoned by his children and 
the greater part of his nobles, found himself forced 
to sign an ignominious peace ; and after one of the 
violent fits of passion to which he so often yielded 
himself, was taken ill, and concluded a long life of 
vice and crime before the altar of the Lord," which 
he had once caused to be stained with blood.^ 

Richard and Philip were already in alliance ; and 
no sooner had the new monarch of England ascended 
the throne, than the preparations for the crusade 
were resumed with activity. Ample treaties were 
entered into between the French and English kings ; 
and as the clergy, though willing enough to preach 

' Bernard the Treasurer ; James of Vitry. 

Continuation of Wii'iiam of Tyre, Anon. 

R. d». Diceto; Roger de Hovedon ; Matthew Paris. Ann. 1188. 

Heniy died before the altar of the church of Chinon, 
6 Hovedon. 



HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 245 

the crusade, were in general unwilling to aid it by 
the payment of Saladin's tenth, Richard had recourse 
to the most arbitrary' extortions, to furnish the sums 
necessary for his enterprise. Phihp Augustus, the 
Count of Flanders, and Richard Coeur de Lion met 
at Nonancourt, on the confines of Normandy, and 
engaged mutually to live in peace and defend each 
other, as true allies, till a period of forty days after 
their return from Palestine.^ Richard also published 
a code of laws or regulations for the government of 
his troops during the expedition. By these it was 
enacted, that whoever slew a brother crusader should 
be tied to the corpse and buried alive ; or, if the mur- 
der were perpetrated at sea, should be plunged with 
tlie dead body into the waves. A man who drew his 
knife upon another, or struck him so as to produce 
blood, was destined to have his hand cut off. Other 
chastisements were instituted for simple blows, abu- 
sive language, and blasphemy f and if any one were 
discovered in committing a robbery, he was sen- 
tenced to have his head shaved and to be tarred and 
feathered. This is, I believe, the first mention in 
history of that curious naval punishment. 

Each of the crusading monarchs now made large 
donations to abbeys, churches, and religious commu- 
nities,^ and performed various acts of grace to bring 
down the blessing of Heaven upon their enterprise. 
They took every measure that could be devised for 
the security and good of their respective realms 
during their absence, and then proceeded towards 
Lyons, where, finding that the followers of their 
camp were becoming somewhat more numerous than 
was desirable, and remembering the vices and irre- 
g-ularities of the former crusades, they instituted 
several new laws ; among which it was strictly en- 
joined that no woman should be permitted to accom- 

1 Brompton ; Hoveden. 2 Diceto. 3 Rymer, col. diplom. 

* Brequegny, coll. ann, 1188 ; Rigord in vit. Phil. Aug. 



246 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 

pany either army, except washerwomen, and such 
as had accomplished fifty years. Here, also, the 
two kings separated,' and Philip, traversing the Alps, 
soon arrived at Genoa,^ where he hired vessels to 
carry him to Messina, the general rendezvous, which 
place he reached with no other impediment than a 
severe storm. 

Richard, in the mean time, hurried on to Marseilles, 
where he waited a few days for the fleet which was 
to have joined him from England ; but his impatient 
spirit could never brook delay, and after a pause of 
little more than a week, he hired all the vessels he 
could find, and proceeded to Genoa. Leaving that 
city he touched at several places on the coast of 
Italy, and near the mouth of the Tiber was en- 
countered by Octavian, Bishop of Ostia, who de- 
manded various sums, stated to be due to the church 
of Rome from the English monarch, as fees, on the 
election of the Bishop of Ely, and the deposition of 
the Bishop of Bourdeaux. Richard replied by boldly 
reproaching the prelate with the simoniacal avarice 
of his church, and sent him indignantly from his pre- 
sence. In the Gulf of Salernum, the English king 
was met by his fleet, and soon anchored before Mes- 
sina, causing all the horns of his armament to blow 
as he entered the port. The noise was so great, that 
the inhabitants crowded to the walls, where they 
beheld the thousand banners of England cover- 
ing the sea with all the gay and splendid colours of 
chivalrous blazonry.^ Richard was fond of such 
display, and, perhaps, so slight a thing as this first 
woke that jealousy in the bosom of Philip Augustus 
which afterward proved ruinous to the crusade. 
Nevertheless that monarch came down to meet 
Richard, with Tancred, the usurping King of Sicily, 
who had e ver)^ thing to fear from the anger of the hasty 

1 Benedict of Peterborough. 

2 Rjgord says nothing of any illness which Philip suffered at Messina 

3 Hovedon ; Brompton. 



HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 247 

sovereign of England. After dispossessing Constan- 
tia, the heiress of the crown, Tancred had imprisoned 
Joan, sister of Richard, the widow of the last king 
William the Good. He had freed her, it is true, on 
the news of Richard's arrival ; but the first act of 
the English monarch' was to demand the restitution 
of his sister's dowery, and the legacies which had 
been bequeathed by William of Sicily to Henry H. 
of England. These together amounted to forty 
thousand ounces of gold,^ and for some time Rich- 
ard's application was met by nothing but quibbling 
and evasion. 

The best intelligence had hitherto reigned between 
the French and English, but not so with Richard's 
knights and the people of Sicily. The Anglo-Nor- 
mans were dissolute and reckless, and the Sicilians 
soon proceeded from squabbling and opposition, to 
seek bloody revenge. It is probable that both par- 
ties were in fault. Every thing at Messina was 
charged at a most exorbitant price,^ and the Normans 
were very apt to take what they could not buy. 
The Sicilians cheated them, and they plundered the 
Sicilians, till at length some of the Norman soldiers 
were killed.'' Hugh Lebrun, a favourite of Richard, 
was wounded; and Richard himself, finding the 
peasantry supported by Tancred in the attack on his 
soldiers, lost command of his temper, fell upon the 
people who had come forth from Messina, stormed 
the walls of the city ; and in an inconceivably short 
lime, the banner of the King of England was flying 
over the capital of Sicily.^ 

Philip Augustus, who had interfered on many occa- 
sions to quiet the differences between the Normans 
and the Sicilians, could not bear to see the English 
standard on the towers of Messina, and a coolness 
rose up between the two monarchs from that mo- 
ment. All angry discussion, however, was removed 

1 Benedict of Peterborouirh. 2 Rjarord ; Benedict o^" Peterborougli. 
3 Rigord. 4 Vinesauf. 5 Ben. Abb. Peter. ; R. Hovedon 



248 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 

hy the conduct of Richard, which was calm and mo- 
derate, far beyond his usual habits. He offered to 
^ive up the guard of the city to either the Knights 
nf the Temple or of St. John, till his claims on Tan- 
cred had been fairly met. This tranquillized the 
matter for a time ; but Eleonor, Richard's mother, 
now arrived in Sicily,' bearing with her the beautiful 
Berengaria, of Navarre. The King of England had 
been affianced to Alice of France, the sister of Philip ; 
but criminal intercourse, it was supposed, had existed 
between the French prir^ess and Henry H., and 
Richard had long meditated breaking off formally an 
alliance he never intended to fulfil. The sight of 
Berengaria decided him.^ Some letters were shown 
JO him by Tancred, King of Sicily, in which Philip 
Augustus promised aid to the Sicilians in case of their 
warring with the English. Richard, with the papers 
in his hand, cast himself on horseback, and galloped 
to the tent of the French monar(;h. Philip declared 
the letters were forged, and that Richard's anger was 
a mere pretence to break off a marriage which suited 
not his taste. War between the two sovereigns 
seemed inevitable, and how it was averted does not 
very clearly appear. Probably the higher barons 
inteiposed ; but at all events the concessions were 
on the side of Phihp, who, by a formal treaty, re- 
nounced all pretensions to Richard's hand, on the 

• Rigord. 

2 Rigordus states positively that Berengaria had arrived before the 
creaty was signed between Philii» and Richard. Mills says, that Richard 
remained in Sicily after Philip's departure, to wait for Berengaria; but 
Rigord lived at the time, and was one of the most diligent inquirers who 
flave left us records of that age. The Branche des royaux Lignages 
makes Richard say to the King of France, 
" Sire vostre suer espousai 
De laquele atan le don hui ; 
Mes one nul jour ne la connui 
Et j'ai puis prise Berangarre 
Qui fille est au roy de Navarre." — 1226. 
William the Breton, also, who was afterward chaplain to Philip Augus- 
tus, represents Richard as saying, 

' ' Et jam juncta thoro est mihi Berengaria, regis 
Filia NavarrjE." 



HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 249 

part of his sister ;' confirmed him in all the feoffs he 
held from the crown of France ; and, leaving him and 
Berengaria to conclude their marriage, he set sail 
with his fleet for Acre. 

The appearance of the French before that place 
caused great rejoicing among the Christians, for 
notwithstanding every^ effort on the part of the as- 
sailants the city still held out ; and, girt in themselves 
by the army of Saladin, the scarcity^ was little less 
in their camp than in the town. Before the coming 
of their allies, the crusaders under the walls of Acre 
had done all that human ingenuity could invent to 
force the garrison to yield. They had turned the 
course of the river which supplied the city with fresh 
water; they had been incessant in their attacks 
and, during nearly two years, had never relaxed one 
moment in their endeavours.'' It was apparent, 
therefore, that nothing but assault by a large force 
could carry the fortress, and this the arrival of Philip 
gave the possibility of attempting. That monarch, 
however, either from some engagement to that effect, 
or from the scantiness of the succour he brought, 
which, accordin * to Boha Eddin, consisted only of 
six large ships,* determined to wait the arrival of 
Richard Coeur de Lion, contenting himself with 
battering the walls in the mean while. 

The coming of the King of France had spread as 
much alarm among the Saracens as joy among the 
Christians; but his inactivity calmed their appre- 
hensions; and the escape of a magnificent white 

1 Rigord in vit. Phil. Aug. ; Hovedon ; Rymer. 2 Bernardus. 

S Various knights are mentioned by Bernard the Treasurer, as having 
signalized themselves greatly, both prior to the siege and after its com- 
mencement. One in particular, whom he calls the Green Knight, even 
raised the admiration of the Saracens to such a height that Saladin sent 
for him, and made him the most brilliant olTers, in hopes of bringing hira 
to join the Moslems. It is more than probable that this Green Knight 
was the famous Jacques d'Avesnes, and was so called from the colour 
of the cross which he wore. 

4 Auteurs Arabes, rec. de Reinaud ; Branche des loyaux Rignages ; 
Rigord in vit. Phil. August 



250 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 

falcon which Philip had brought from Europe, was con- 
sidered by the infidels as an evil ornen for the French 
monarch. The bird flew into the besieg-ed city, and 
was thence sent to Saladin, who would not be pre- 
vailed upon to part with it, though Philip offered a 
thousand pieces of gold for his favourite falcon.' 

Richard remained some time in Sicily, enjoying the 
idleness and luxury of a delicious climate, and a fer- 
tile and beautiful land ; but the preaching of a wild 
enthusiast, called Joachim, together with various ce- 
lestial phenomena, which the superstition of the age 
attributed to Divine wrath, awoke the monarch from 
his dream of pleasure, and after having submitted to 
an humiliating penance,^ he set sail for Acre. A 
tempest soon dispersed his fleet, and three of the 
vessels were lost upon the rocky shores of Cyprus. 
The monarch of that island, one of the Comneni of 
Constantinople, had rendered himself independent 
of Greece, and had taken the title of Emperor. In 
the madness of insatiable greediness, he pillaged the 
crews and passengers of the English vessels stranded 
on his coast, and refused a refuge to the bride and 
sister of Richard himself, when dri\^n by the storm 
into the port of Limisso. At Rhodes^ the lion- 
hearted king heard of the disasters of his fleet, and 
the inhospitality of the Emperor of Cyprus, and no 
sooner had he gathered together his ships, than he 
sailed for Limisso, and demanded reparation and 
apology- 

With infinite moderation, the more admirable in 
the conduct of a violent and irritable monarch, he 
three times required satisfaction before he proceeded 
to any act of aggression. At length, finding it not to 
be obtained but by the sword, he landed on the island, 
drove the coward Greeks' before him, took the unge- 

' Boha Eddin, rec. de Reinaud. 

2 Uroinpton, A. D. 1191 ; Ben. Abb. Peterborough, 1101. 

3 Hovedoii ; Ben. Abb. Pete boroMgh. 

4 Ilovedon ; Cromptoii : WiU Nevvb. 



HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 251 

wierous usurper Isaac, and reduced the whole country 
to his sway. His wrath had now been roused, and 
all temper was forgotten : he taxed the unfortunate 
inhabitants of the country to an enormous extent 
and then, after having spent some time at Limisso, 
where he celebrated his marriage with Berengaria, 
he once more set sail for Acre. In the passage the 
fleet of the English monarch came suddenly upon a 
^arge vessel bearing the arms of the King of France. 
Something suspicious in the appearance of the ship 
induced Richard to pursue her, and it was soon dis- 
covered that she was filled with Saracen troops. 

The attack was instantly ordered ;' the infidels de- 
fended themselves with the greatest bravery ; the sea 
was covered with Greek fire, and a rain of arrows 
fell upon the decks of the low European galleys from 
the high sides of the Arabian vessel. But resistance 
against the whole fleet of the English king was vain ; 
and the emir Jacob, who commanded, ordered the 
ship to be sunk by cutting through the bottom with 
hatchets. Before this could be completely accom- 
plished, however, the English and Normans were mas- 
ters of the vessel, and ere she went down a great 
part of her cargo was saved. This principally con- 
sisted of military stores for the camp of Saladin; 
and, among other implements of destruction, the 
English were surprised and horrified to find a num- 
ber of large earthen vases filled with poisonous rep- 
tiles, from the bites of which it was known that the 
Christians near Acre suffered most dreadfully. 
Whether these animals were or were not really 
destined by Saladin as the means of a new and dire- 
ful mode of warfare, such was the purpose which the 
Christian monarch^ attributed to those \vho carried 
them ; and giving way to his wrath, he ordered all 
the prisoners to be put to death. Some few were 



1 Boha Eddin ; Walter Vinesauf ; Hovedon ; Benedict of Peterlioroujf»j 

2 Peterborough; Vinesauf; James. Cardinal nfVjtry, lib. i 



252 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 

saved, who were afterward ransomed according t>^ 
the universal custom of the day.' 

But little time nowr elapsed ere Richard, with a 
hundred sail, arrived before the city of Acre, and the 
shouts of joy that welcomed him made his proud 
heart beat with more than wonted ardour. All the 
Chivalry of Europe were upon the sandy plain be- 
tween Ptolemais and the mountains of Carouba:^ the 
Templars, the Hospitallers, the Knights of France, 
of England, of Germany, of Italy, of Flanders, and of 
Burgundy. Thousands of banners floated on the 
wind; and every sort of arms, device, and ensign 
glittered through the camp. On the inland hills lay 
the millions of Saladin, with every accessory of east- 
ern pomp and eastern luxury. There, too, was the 
pride of all the Saracen tribes, called into the field by 
their great monarch to meet the swarming invasion 
of the Christians.^ One wing of the Moslem army 
was commanded by Malek Adel Saif Eddin,"* brother 
of Saladin, and the other by that monarch's nephew, 
Modaflfer. Through the host were seen banners of 
green, and black, and yellow ; and armour of as many 
kinds, and of as great magnificence, as that of the 
Europeans. 

Nor was the chivalrous courtesy of the day con- 
fined to the Christian camp. In times of truce the 
adverse nations mingled together in friendship ; and 
at one moment they sent mutual presents, and reci- 
procated good offices, while at another they met in 

1 Mills speaks of the conduct of Richard in the following terms : 
" The sanguinary and ungenerous Richard killed or cast over&ard his 
defenceless enemies ; or, with an avarice equally detestable, saved the 
commanders for the sake of their ransom." That author, however, says 
not one word of the f?aracens' fighting under false colours, or of the hor- 
rible cargo which they carried in their ship, though he afterward himself 
alludes to the suflTerings of the crusaders from the bites of reptiles. la 
this historical justice 1 

2 Bernard the Treasurer. 

3 Boha Eddin, rec. Hist. Arabes de Reinaud. 

4 His name, literally translated, means the just king, the sword oftht 
faith. From Saif Eddin the Christians composed the word Sapbaddin, 
oy which he is generally designa'ed in the chronicles of the time. 



ttlStORY OF CHIVALRY. 253 

bloody and impetuous strife. Saladin himself seems 
to have conceived the highest respect for the charac* 
ter of Richard ; and when he was not opposing him 
in the field, he was always desirous of showing that 
the Moslems were not to be outdone in generous 
sentiment by any of the Christian knights. It would 
be endless to recount all the transactions of the siege 
of Acre. The spirit of the whole of this crusade 
which I could wish to dwell upon more than any 
thing else) has been already fully, perfectly, and 
feelingly displayed* in that most beautiful composi- 
tion, The Talisman ; wherein Sir Walter Scott, how- 
ever he may have altered some historical facts to 
suit the purposes of fiction, has given a more striking 
picture of the human mmd in that age — of the cha- 
racter of nations as well as individuals — than any 
dull chronicle of cold events can furnish. 

Richard Coeur de Lion, soon after his arrival before 
Acre, was seized with the fever of the country, and in 
the attack made upon the town by Philip Augustus 
the English monarch was not present.' Philip mur- 
mured highly, and his assault was repulsed from the 
want of sufficient forces to follow up his first advan- 
tage. Richard in his turn attempted to storm the 
city without the aid of France, and notwithstanding 
efforts of almost incredible valour, was likewise re- 
pelled. Mutual necessity brought some degree of 
concord; and it was agreed that while one army as- 
Bailed the walls the other should guard the camp, but 
still the endeavours of both were ineffectual to take 
the town by storm ; and continual disputes were every 
day springing up between the two monarchs and the 
two hosts. Philip strove to seduce the vassals of 
Richard to follow his banner, as the sovereign of 
their sovereign, and paid three pieces of gold per 
month to each of the Norman knights who would 
join his standard i^ Richard gave four pieces of gold 

« Vjn««auf ; Hovedon i Cbrem. St. Denia 



254 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 

to all who came over from Philip, and many a Frendl 
feudatory joined himself to the English king. The 
siege of Acre still advanced, notwithstanding, less 
indeed hy the presence or efforts of the two sove- 
reigns, than by the simple fact of the city being cut 
off from all supplies. It had now held out for many 
months; and for long had endured but little priva- 
tion from its communication with the sea; but as 
one article of the first necessity after another be- 
came exhausted, that means of receiving provisions 
was not sufficiently productive or regular for the sup- 
ply of a great city. Even when ships arrived the 
town was in a state of scarcit}^, and a day's delay 
brought on a famine. Acre could resist no longer,i 
and after a short truce, which was asked in the hope 
of assistance from Egypt, it surrendered to the mo- 
uarchs of France and England, on very rigorous 
terms. All the Christian prisoners within the town 
ivere to be freed, together with one thousand men 
and two hundred knights, chosen from those that 
Saladin detained in captivity ; two hundred thousand 
Tjieces of gold were to be paid, and the true Cross was 
io be restored to the Christians. Such was the only 
capitulation granted to the people of Acre, who were 
also to remain in the hands of the crusaders till the 
stipulations had been fulfilled by Saladin ; and in case 
the conditions were not accomplished within forty 
days, the prisoners were left to the disposal of their 
conquerors. 

Saladin neglected to fulfil any of the terms which 
depended on him; the ransom was not paid; the 
wood of the Cross was not restored ; and Richard- 
cruelly commanded his prisoners to be put to death.* 

I James of Vitry; Hovedon; Vinesauf; Ben. of Pet.; Bernard the 
Treasurer. 

i Riiiord; William of Nangis; James of Vitry; Bernardus; \1i» 
eauf ; Hovedon. All these authors give different accounts of the num- 
bers sacrificed. 

a Bernard the Treasurer affirms that Philip caused the prisoners to be 
executed ; but most of the other historians agree, that this piece of cruelty 
was committed by Richard aloue. 



HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 255 

A-fter the capture of the city, the Archduke of Aus- 
tria boldly placed his banner on one of the towers 
but no sooner was it seen by Richard, than with h. 
own hand he tore it down, and rending it to pieces, 
trampled it under his feet. The insult was neithe 
forgotten nor unrevenged, though from that momen 
the banners of the kings^ only continued to float 
from the Avails of Acre. Thus new dissensions were 
added to those which had already arisen, and the two 
monarchs, by taking possession of the whole spoil and 
dividing it between them, gave high disgust to the 
rest of the crusaders. Another more tangible cause 
of animosity soon sprang up. Sybilla, the wife of 
Guy of Lusignan, through whom alone he possesses 
the title of King of Jerusalem, died during the sieg? 
of Acre, but he still pretended a right to th^throne 
Conrad of Montferrat, lord of Tyre, had seized upon 
Isabella, sister of Sybilla, and wife of the weak and 
cowardly Humphrey de Thoron; and having o^ 
tained, by one means or another, a divorce between 
her and her husband, had married her; on which 
marriage, he also claimed the empty vanity of the 
crown. Richard, with the Pisans and the Hospital- 
lers, maintained the cause of Lusignan ; Philip Augus- 
tus, with the Genoese and the Templars, supported 
Conrad ; and the schism was only healed by Lusig- 
nan acknowledging Conrad to be heir to the nomi- 
nal kingdom, while Conrad allowed Lusignan to 
retain the title for his life. 

Soon after this, the crusade received'' its death- 
blow, by the defection of Philip Augustus. No doubt 
can exist that that monarch had really lost his health 

1 Rigord. 

2 Bernard the Treasurer says, that the English king lodged in the 
house of the Templars, and that Philip Augustus occupied the citadel; 
" Le Roi de France ot le chastel d'Acre, et le fist garnir et le Roi d'Angle- 
terre se herberja en la maison du Temple." Most authorities, however, 
are opposed to this statement, declaring that Richard lodged in the pa* 
lst".e., and Philip with the Templars. 

3 Bernard the Treasurer : Rigord ; William the Breton ; Branche dea 
royaux Lignages. 



256 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 

since his sojourn in the Holy Land; but as little doubt 
is there that his chief motive in returning to Europe 
v/as his disgust' at the overbearing conduct of Rich- 
ard, and his jealousy at the great superiority of his 
rival in all military exercises. Philip Augustus was 
an expert and able general, a brave and distinguished 
knight; but Richard was the wonder of his day, and 
what Philip might have admired in an inferior, he 
could not bear in a fellow-king. He therefore pror, 
claimed aloud his illness, and his intention to return 
to Europe, most unwisely — as James of Vitry ob- 
serves — for the interest of the crusade ; for Saladim 
had been so much depressed by the fall of Acre, that 
beyond all question immense concessions might have 
been obtained, had the monarchs but made a demon-f 
stration of acting in concert. As bound to him by 
treaties, Richard's permission was demanded by the 
King of France. At first Richard exclaimed, with a 
J)urst of honest indignation, " Eternal shame on him 
and on all France, if for any cause he leave the work 
unfinished V'^ but he added afterward, " Well, let him 
go, if his health require it, or if he cannot live with-» 
out seeing Paris." With this surly leave, Philip 
hastened his departure, after having made over to 
Conrad of Tyre his share in the city of Acre, and 
having sworn, in the most solemn manner, to respect 
Richard's possessions in Europe — an oath which he 
soon found occasion to break. 

The Duke of Burgundy,'* with ten thousand men, 
was left behind to support Richard ; and that monarch, 
after repairing the fortifications of Acre, having seen 
the churches purified, and the Christian religion re, 
stored, marched out with considerable force, and took 
the road by the seaside towards Ascalon. Vessels 
laden with provisions followed along the shore ; but, 

1 Rigord ; Robert of Gloucester. 

2 James of Vitry ; Boha Eddin ; Emad Eddin ; Recueil de Rein?iH(J. 

3 Benedict of Peterborougli. 

i Bernard the Treasurer; James of Vitry, &c. 



HISTORY OP CHIVALRY. 267 

on the other hand, the Moslems, who had now 
recovered confidence at the dissensions which they 
knew reig-ned amono^ the Christians, pursued the 
army as it marched, and harassed it by continual 
attacks. 

Richard' refrained from any thing like a general 
engagement, as long as such conduct was possible ; 
but near Azotus he found himself compelled to 
fight, and he accordingly drew out his men in battle 
array. Eudes, Duke of Burgundy, commanded the 
left, and the famous Jacques d'Avesnes the right, of 
the crusaders, while Richard himself appeared in the 
centre. 

Saladin^ led the attack against the Christian army, 
and the right gave way. At the same time the left 
repulsed the Moslems, and with the usual impetuous 
courage of the French, who composed it, followed up 
their success till they were cut off from the main 
body. Richard advanced to the aid of the Duke of 
Burgundy, but only so far as to save him from being 
destroyed. With wonderful coolness he waited till 
the Saracens had exhausted their arrows, and wearied 
their horses with rapid evolutions, so that the knights 
murmured at the unwonted inactivity of their mo- 
narch. A t length, seeing that S aladin had weakened his 
left wing to attack the Duke of Burgundy, that the hail 
of missiles was passed, and that there existed some 
confusion in the enemy's^ lines, the king commanded 
his knights to charge, and leading them on himself, 
he with his own hand overthrew all that opposed him. 
The infidels whom he slew, and the feats that he 
performed, are almost incredible ; but certain it is, 
that his voice, his eye, his look, brought inspiration 
to the Christians and dismay to the hearts of the 
Moslems. The Saracen host fled amain, and Richard 
remained master of the field, having to mourn few of 

1 Hovedon ; James of Vitry ; Vinesauf 

2 Vinesauf; Boha Eddin. 
S Hovedon ; Vinesauf. 



%SS HISTORY OP CHIVALRY. 

his distinguished soldiers besides Jacques d'Avesnet, 
who was slain towards the end of the battle.' 

The road both to Ascalon and Jerusalem was now 
open to the host of the Cross f but either from trea- 
chery, as some have supposed, or from envy, as 
others have imagined, Richard was continually op- 
posed in the council of war : the operations of the 
crusaders became vacillating, uncertain, and ill- 
judged, and the kingdom of Jerusalem was virtually 
cast away. The army, instead of following its ad- 
vantages, proceeded to Jaffa,-^ wasted time in fortify- 
ing that city, and suffered the Saracens to recover 
from their panic. Various attacks were soon made 
upon the Christians ; a party of Templars was sur- 
rounded by the foe, and would have been cut to 
pieces, with the Earl of Leicester and some English 
who had come to their aid, had not Richard, with his 
lion-heart, rushed, almost unarmed, into the fight ; 
and, scattering the enemy like a whirlwind, delivered 
his friends from their peril. On another occasion, he 
had himself nearly been taken prisoner while falcon- 
ing, and would certainly have fallen into the hands 
of the Saracens, had not one of his followers, named 
William de Pratelles,^ exclaimed, " I am the king !'* 
and thus drawn the attention of the enemy to him'« 
self. After this, various treaties^ were entered into, 
which ended in nothing, and probably were devised 
by the Saracens merely for the purpose of gaining 
time to recruit their forces. It was even proposed 
that Joan of Sicily, the English monarch's sister, 
should be given in marriage to Saphaddin, or Saif 
Eddin ; and that Jerusalem should be yielded to the 
parties in this strange alliance. All these negotia 
tions, however, terminated as they began, and hos-. 
tilities were often commenced and suspended, equally 

I James of Vitry ; Trivet Annales. 2 Bernard the Treasurer. 

8 James of Vitry. 

4 Tliis gentleman was taken prisoner, hut was of course ransoniied 
Immediately by Richard. 
^ Uaysion ; Doha Sddin 



HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 269 

Without cause. Richard advanced to Ramula, and 
nothing opposed his proceeding to Jerusalem ; but at 
a council of war it was determined that the army 
should retire upon Ascalon.' This was done, and 
Ascalon was once more fortified ; but here the troops 
were cut off from supplies, new divisions arose, and 
many desertions took place. The Duke of Burgundy 
retreated to Acre ; the Genoese and Pisans broke 
out into open warfare, and one party, supported by 
Conrad of Montferrat, would have destroyed the 
other, had not Richard marched to the spot, forced 
Conrad to withdraw, and re-established peace be- 
tween the contending nations. Conrad, frustrated 
in the views he had entertained, rejected all con- 
ciliation from Richard, and allied himself with 
Saladin. That monarch immediately hastened once 
more to attack the divided army of the Cross f but 
Conrad w^as stabbed by two of a class of men called 
the Assassins,^ at the moment that Richard, to obtain 

1 Vinesauf ; James of Vitry. 

2 Hovedon ; William of Nangis, ann. 1192; Vinesauf. 

3 For many years a horde of plunderers had been established in the 
mountains of Phcenicia, in the neighbourhood of Tortosa and Tripoli, 
who, in the end, obtained the name of Assassins, from the small dagger 
which was their only weapon, and which was called hassassin. Their 
religion was a corrupted species of Islamism, and their government a 
fanatical despotism. Their chief was called sometimes the Ancient, 
sometimes the Lord of the Mountains, and among the Christians he ob- 
tained the name of the Old Man of the Mountains. By working on tlie 
excileahle imaginations of an illiterate and fanatical race, the lords of this 
extraordinary tribe had obtained over them an intluence unknown to any 
other power which was ever brought to sway the mind of man. The 
will of the Old Man of (he Mountains was absolute law to each of his 
subjects. Whatever were his commands, whether to slay themselves 
or another, they asked no questions — paused not to consider of justice or 
injustice — but obeyed ; and when sent to execute the will of their lord 
Bi)on anyone, they followed their object with a keen sagacity and unal- 
terable perseverance, that placed the life of each individual in the hands of 
their remorseless monarch. Nothing could turn them aside from the pur- 
suit ; no difficulties were too great for them to surmount ; and when they 
had struck the victim, if they escaped, it was w ell ; but if they were taken, 
they met torture and death with stoical firmness,feelingcertainof the joys 
of Paradise as a compensation for their sufferings. The number of this tribe 
was about sixty thousand, all conscientious murderers, whom no danger 
•wculd daunt, and no human consideration could deter. Such were, the 
meo wbo sUw Courad < f Montferrat ; and yet the French witb the wii4 



260 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 

concord, had consented to his coronation as king of 
Jerusalem, in opposition to the claim of Guy of Lu- 
sig-nan. The French attributed the death of Conrad 
to Richard, and all parties flew to arms ; but in the 
midst of this confusion, Henry Count of Champagne 
came forward, married the widow of Conrad, was 
proclaimed king of Jerusalem' with the consent of 
all, and the united host once more prepared to march 
and conquer the kingdom for which they had just 
been providing a king. 

During this time, Richard Coeur de Lion, while 
waging Ihe war for Jerusalem, was neglecting all his 
best interests in Europe. John, his brother, was 
striving for the crown of England, and Philip Augustus 
was stripping him of his territories in France. Mes- 
senger after messenger brought naught but tidings of 
danger, and pressing solicitations for his return. 

Still Richard advanced towards Jerusalem,^ but his 
force was too small to atteiiipt a long-protracted 
siege. He found himself far from resources, and in 
a country where supplies could be obtained but with 
the greatest difficulty.^ The marches before him 
were barren and hot; little water was to be procured 
and at Bethlehem a council of twenty persons was 
appointed to inquire into the possibility of proceed- 

{nconsisteney of their national hatred, attributed the deed to Richard, who 
never found aught on earth that could induce him to cover his wrath 
when it was excited, or to stay him from the open pursuit of revenge, 
which was always as bold and unconcealed as it was fierce and evanes- 
cent. From this tribe we have derived the word assassin. — See James 
of Vitry; Matthew of Pi.-ris; William of Tyre ; Ducange nu JoinvlUe. 

1 Bernard the Treasurer ; James of Vitry ; William of Nangis. 

2 Bernard; Vinesauf; Matthew Paris. 

3 Little doubt can exist that one great cause of the abandonment of 
the crusade were the difTerences between Richard and the Duke of Bur- 
gundy. The Frenchman was jealous of the fame which the English 
king would have acquired by taking .Jerusalem, and consequently took 
care that he should not effect that object. Such is the account given by 
Bernard the Tre3sut2r— a Frenchman, who always showed a manifest 
tendency to exculpate liis countrymen, whenever there existed a fair 
excuse. See the Chronicle in old French, published m the collection of 
Martenne and Durand. It was generally attributed to Hugh Plagon, but 
lias since been proved to he tii« original of Bernard tlie Treasurer. 



HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 261 

ing. Certain information was received that the Turks 
had destroyed all the wells and cisterns round the 
Holy Cit)^ and it was determined to abandon the 
enterprise. Richard felt the disappointment with all 
the bitterness of broken hope and crushed ambition. 
He was led to a hill from whence he could behold 
Jerusalem; but the sight and its memories were too 
much, and, covering- his eyes with his shield,' the 
warrior monarch turned away with a svA'elling' heart 
to concert measures for gaining something, at all 
events, to compensate the loss of Jerusnlem. But 
discord was in the bosom of the crusade ; the soldiers 
murmured,^ the chiefs rebelled, and the only thing that 
could save the army was immediate retreat. Such, 
then, after many plans had been proposed and re- 
jected, was the ultimate step. The great body of the 
forces, with Richard and the Duke of Burgundy, fell 
back upon Acre ; but a sm.aller part threw itself into 
Jaffa; and Saladin, recovering his energies as the 
crusaders lost theirs, collected his power and pre^ 
pared to reap the fruits of their disunion. The hope 
of saving the Holy Land was now gone, and Richard 
determined to abandon an endeavour which jea. 
lousies and treacheries had rendered infeasible ; and, 
returning to Europe, to give his thoughts to the con- 
solidation and security of his own dominions. Be- 
fore he set out, however, the news reached him 
that Saladin had attacked Jaffa with immense forces ; 
and that the only hope of the garrison was in aid 
from him.'^ Sending the bulk of the army by land, 
he took advantage of a favourable wind, and set sail 
with a very small retinue for the besieged city. 
When he arrived at Jaffa, he perceived that the gates 
"were already in the hands of the Saracens, and thai the 
Christians were fighting to the last, to sell their lives 
dearly. " When King Richard found that the place 
vvas taken," to use the words of Bernard the Trea- 

1 Vinesauf. 2 Hovedon ; Vinesauf. 

3 The French refused to inarch to the assistance of Jalfa. 



262 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 

surer, " he sprang on shore, with his shield round his 
neck, and his Danish axe in his hand, retook the 
castle, slew the Saracens that were within the walls, 
and drove those that were without back to their camp, 
where he halted on a little mound — he and his men. 
Saladin asked his troops why they fled ; to which 
they replied, that the King- of England liad come to 
Jaffa, had slain much people, and retaken the town. 
Then Saladin asked, '-Where is he V And they re- 
plied, ' There, sire, upon that hillock with his men.' 
* What !' cried Saladin, ' the king on foot among his 
servants ! This is not as it should be.' And Saladin 
sent him a horse,' charging the messenger to say, that 
such a man ought not to remain on foot in so great 
danger." 

The attempts of the Saracens were vain to re- 
cover the position they had lost, and their terror at 
the tremendous name of Richard made that name 
host. This victory again placed the King of Eng- 
land in a commanding situation, and he took advan. 
tage of it to demand peace. Saladin gladly met his 
advances. A treaty was entered into, and a truce 
was concluded for three years and eight months, 
during which period the Christians were to enjoy the 
liberty of visiting Jerusalem, as pilgrims, exempt 
from all grievance. Tyre and Jaffa, with the whole 
district between them, were yielded to the Latins, 
who, on their part, agreed to demolish the fortifica^ 
tions of Ascalon. The troops of the Cross were 
permitted to resort as palmers to Jerusalem, where 
the sultaun received and treated them with court- 
sous hospitality. Richard would not visit the city he 
could not capture ; but the Bishop of Salisbury was 
entertained in the sultaun's own palace, and obtained 
from the generous Saracen leave to establish three 
societies of Latin priests, in Jerusalem, in Bethle- 
nem, and in Nazareth. Various other splendid acts 

J Bernard the Treasurer. 



HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 263 

of kingly magnanimity closed Saladin's communica- 
tion with the crusaders. 

On the 25th of October, A. D. 1 192, Richard set sail 
for Europe. The fruits of his crusade were but 
small, as far as the recovery of the Holy Land was 
concerned ; but in his own person he acquired a de- 
gree of military glory that enmity could not wrest 
from him, and ages have not been able to dim. 

He had many faults and many failings ; and his 
own pride contributed as much as the jealousy 'of 
his enemies to create disunion among the allies,' and 
frustrate the object of the expedition. But he had 
also to contend with many wrongs and difficulties, 
and possessed many bright and noble qualities. He 
carried the heart of a lion to his grave ;' and for cen- 
turies after the women of Palestine scared tJieir 
children with his name.^ 

1 Bernard Uie Treasurer. 

2 The Queen Berengaria and Joan of Sicily left Acre on tlie 29th of 
September, previous to the departureof Richard, who set out on the 25th 
of October, 1192. After encountering a violent storm, which scattered 
his fleet and wrecked the greater number of his vessels, Richard, with 
his single ship, touched at Zara, where he landed, accompanied only by 
two priests and a few knights of the Temple, whose garb he had as- 
sumed. From Zara, Richard endeavoured to make his way through 
Germany in disguise, but in vain. The news of his journey had already 
spread; the unforgiving Archduke of Austria, whose banner he had 
trampled on at Acre, caused every road to be narrowly watched. Cue 
alter another of his companions were sent away by the king, till at 
length, with a single squire, he arrived at a small town near Vienna; 
where, taking up his abode at a petty lodging, Richard despatched his 
follower for provisions. The sauire was recognised by some of the spies 
of the archduke, and Richard was taken and cast into prison. The 
royal captive was speedily given into the hands of the emperor of Aus- 
tria, who concerted with Philip Augustus the means of detaining him in 
secrecy. His confinement, nevertheless, was soon known in England, 
and means were used to discover his precise si'uation. General tradition 
gives the merit of having ascer»aiiied his lord's prison ro his favourite 
troubadour Blcndel, or Blondiau ; and we may be surely allowed to re- 
gret that no grave historian has confirmed the tale. However that may 
be, the place of the king's confinement was discovered, and England be- 
gan to cry loudly for justice from all Christendom. Knightly honour and 
religious feeling were invoked, and the infamy of detaining a traveller, 
a pilgrim, and a crusader w as proclaimed with the loud and powerful 
voice of a people's indignation. Henry at length felt himself obliged to 
yield ^5ome appearance of justice for detaining an independent monarch ; 
and Richard was brought belbre lliu diet at Worms, where he was 



264 HiStORY OF CHIVALRY* 



CHAPTER XIll. 

Death of Saladin — Disunion among his Successors — Celestme tlh 
preaches a new Crusade — Heitry of Germany takes the Cross — Aban- 
dons his Purpose — Crusaders proceed ivithout him — Saif Eddrn takes 
the Field, and captures Jaffa — The Crusaders are reinforced — Defeat 
Saif Eddin — Ijay Siege to Thoron — Seized ivith Panic, a7id retreat — 
Disperse — Death of Henry of Champagne. King of Jerusalem — His 
Widow marries Ahneric, King of Cyprus — Truce — Death of Almeric 
and Isabella — Mary, Heiress of 'Jerusalem, wedded to John of Brienne 
— Affairs of Europe — Innocent III. and Foulque of Neuilly promote a 
Crusade — The Barons of France take the Cross — Proceed to Venice — 
Their Difficulties— Turn to the Siege of Zara—A Change of Purpose — 
Proceed to Constantinople — Siege and Taking of that City — Subse- 
quent Proceedings — A Revolution in Constantinople— Alexius de- 
posed by Murzuphlis — Second Siege ajid Capture of the Greek Capital 
— Flight of Murzuphlis — Plunder and Outrage — Baldwin, Count of 
Flanders, elected Emperor. 

For some time the Christians of the Holy Land 
enjoyed an interval of repose. Saladin was a reli- 
gious observer of his word; and during the short 
space that intervened between the departure of 
Richard Coeur de Lion and the death of his great 
adversaiy, the Latins received the full benefit of the 
treaty which had been executed between those mo-* 
narchs. 

A year had scarcely elapsed ere Saladin was seized 
with a mortal sickness; and, finding his end ap- 
proaching, he commanded the black standard, which 
had so often led the way to victory, to be taken 

charged with imaginary crimes, the chief of which was the assassina- 
tion of Conrad, Marquis of Montferrat. Had the least shadow of reason 
been leH on the side of the emperor, Richard's fate would have been 
sealed ; but the English monarch defended himself with so much elo- 
quence and justice, that no doubt remained on the minds of those who 
heard him, and his ransom was agreed upon at one hundred thousand 
marks of silver. This money was obtained with difficulty, and John 
and Philip strove to raise greater sums to tempt the cupidity of the 
emperor to retain the lion-hearted monarch. The avaricious Henry 
hesitated on their proposals, and thus was the liberty of the noble king 
of England set up to auction, till the Germanic body indignantly inter- 
fered, the ransom was paid, and Richard returned lo Eajjlaud. 



HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 265 

down, and replaced by the shroud M^hich was to wrap 
his body in the grave. This was then borne through 
the streets, while the criers called all men to behold 
what Saladin, the mighty conqueror, carried away 
with him of all his vast dominion.' Saladin died, a 
monarch in whose character, though the good was not 
unmixed with evil, the great qualities so far pre- 
ponderated, that they overbalanced the effects of a 
barbarous epoch and a barbarous religion, and left in 
him a splendid exception to most of the vices of his 
age, his country, and his creed. 

At that period the principle of hereditary succes- 
sion was not very clearly ascertained either in Eu- 
rope or in Asia; and the vast monarchy which Sala- 
din had been enabled to consolidate was broken in 
pieces at his death. Saif Eddin, his brother, took 
possession of the greater part of Syria, and strength- 
ened himself by the soldiers of his dead relative, who 
both loved and esteemed him. Three of the great 
monarch's sons seized upon such portions of their 
father's dominions as they could reach ; and civil 
dissensions followed, highly detrimental to the power 
of the Moslem, and favourable to the security of the 
Christians. This, indeed, Avas the moment when a 
crusade was most practicable, and Pope Celestine 
III. exhorted all Christendom to snatch the opportu- 
nity. In most instances his call fell upon cold and 
unwilling ears. Philip Augustus was too deeply en- 
gaged in those vast and magnificent schemes which, 
however impeded by the prejudices of the day, ren- 
dered his reign a great e]30ch in the history of na- 
tions.^ Richard Coeur de Lion had learned the dan- 
ger of quitting his own kingdom, and the vanity of 
hoping for union among ambitious men. Henry of 
Germany alone, moved by wild schemes for aggran- 
dizing his territories, assented at once to the crusade ; 
but finding that Sicily seemed ready to receive hira, 

• William of Nangis. 2 Rigord ; William the Breton. 

z 



S66 mSTORY OF CHITALRV. 

he deemed the nearer conquest the more advisable ; 
and on the same principle he had taken the Cross, he 
abandonedit again. Not so his subjects ; an immense 
number of the vassals followed eagerly the road 
which he had quitted;' and several Teutonic bishops, 
with the Dukes of Saxony, Brabant, and Bavaria, 
set out from Germany, and reached Acre in safety. 

The Christians of Palestine were at that moment 
in the enjoyment of peace,^ and they beheld the com- 
ing of new crusaders with horror and despair. Had 
the troops that arrived been sufficient, indeed, to give 
any thing like certainty to their enterprise, all the 
Latins of the Holy Land would willingly have con- 
curred ; but the prospect of new and desolating wars, 
waged by scanty forces, was, notwithstanding the 
dissensions of their enemies, a hopeless and painful 
anticipation. Nevertheless, the Germans began their 
operations at once f and Saif Eddin, with his whole 
attention suddenly directed to the Christians, showed, 
by the energetic activity of his movements, that the 
spirit of Saladin survived in his brother. Jaffii was 
taken by assault,"* with a great slaughter of the 
Christians, and all promised a speedy destruction to 
the small remains of the Latin kingdom. Fresh suc- 
cours, however, were received from Europe; the 
hopes of the Christians revived ; and, under the com- 
mand of the Duke of Saxony, they marched on to- 
wards Beritus. Saif Eddin hastened to meet them, 
and attacked the Latin forces near Sidon ; but his 
army was completely routed by the firm and steady 
gallantry of the Germans ; and the way to Jerusalem 
was once more open to the followers of the Cross. 
But the crusaders embarrassed themselves with the 
siege of the castle of Thoron. The Saracens had 
time to recover from their panic ; civil dissensions 
were forgotten ; and while the garrison of Thoron 
held out with persevering valour, the sultaun of 

1 Will, of NrjDcis, ann. 11%. 2 J itnes of Vitry. 

* Bernard the Treasurer. 4 Bernard ; Will, of Nangis, ann. 1197. 



HISTORV OF CHIVALRY. 267 

Egypt advanced to join his uncle, and repel the Chris- 
tian invasion. Vague rumours of immense prepara- 
tion on the part of the infidels reached the besieg- 
ing army. The crusaders were, as usual, disunited 
among themselves ; the Saracens within the castle 
were fighting with the com age of despair; and, at 
last, a sudden panic seized the leaders of the German 
army.^ They abandoned the camp in the night, 
and, flying to Tyre, left their soldiers to follow as 
they could.^ A complete separation ensued between 
the Germans and the Latins, each accusing the other 
of treachery ; while the Syrian Christians remained 
at Tyre, the Teutonic crusaders proceeded to JaflTa. 
Thither Saif Eddin pursued them ; and another battle 
was fought, in which the Germans were once more 
victorious, though victory cost them the lives of 
many of their princes. Almost at the same time 
news reached their camp of the death of the emperor 
Henry. From that moment, none of the German 
nobles remembered aught but the election of a new 
emperor ; and as soon as vessels could be procured, 
the principal barons set oflf for Europe. They left 
behind them in Jaffa about twenty thousand of the 
inferior soldiers, and a few knights ; but the town 
was surprised by the Saracens on the night of the 
following festival of St. Martin ; and the Germans, 
plunged in revelry and drunkenness,' were slaugh- 
tered to a man. 

Such was the end of the German crusade in Pa- 
lestine ; and before proceeding to speak once more 
of the aff'airs of Europe, it may be as well to touch 
upon the brief and uninteresting series of events 
that followed in that country. Henry, Count of 
Champagne, M-ho had married Isabella, the heiress 
of Jerusalem, had proved but an indolent monarch ; 
and in the year 1197, at the precise moment when 
the Saracens had newly captured Jaff'a, he was killed 

' JamPS of Vitiy. 2 Hovedon. 

3 Fuller's Holy War ; Bernard ihe Trtasui er. 



268 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 

by falling from a window. His loss was attended 
by no evil consequences ;' for the Saracens were soon 
involved once more in civil dissensions by the death 
of Saladin's second son, Malek el Aziz, sultaun of 
Egypt, and the truce with the Christians was will- 
ingly renewed. Isabella, the queen, Avhose grief 
was not even so stable as that of the dame of Ephe- 
sus, was easily prevailed on, by the Grand Master 
of the order of St. John,- to give her thrice-widowed 
hand to Almeric of Lusignan, now — by the cession 
of Richard of England — King of Cyprus. This 
marriage was certainly a politic one, as Cyprus 
afforded both a storehouse and a granary to Pales- 
tine ; but the peace with the Saracens remained un- 
broken till the bigoted Simon de Montfort, detaching 
himself from another body of knights,^ which I shall 
mention hereafter, arrived at Acre, and made some 
feeble and ineffectual incursions on the Mussulman 
territory. After his fruitless attempts, the truce was 
once more establislied, and lasted till the death of 
Almeric and Isabella, when the crowns of Jerusalem 
and Cyprus were again separated. The imaginary 
sovereignty of the Holy City now became vested in 
Mary,"* the daughter of Isabella, by Conrad of Tyre, 
while the kingdom of Cyprus desciended to the heirs 
of Lusignan. According to feudal custom it was 
necessary to find a husband for Mary who could de- 
fend her right, and on every account it was deter- 
mined to seek one in Europe. The choice was left 
to Philip Augustus; and he immediately fixed upon 
Jean de Brienne, a noble, talented, and chivalrous 
knight, who willingly accepted the hand of the lady 
of Palestine, and that thorny crown which was held 
out to him from afar 

The news of his coming, and the prospect of large 
European reinforcements to the Christians,^ de- 

1 James of Vitry ; Bernard ; Will, of Nangis ; A. D. 1198. 
^ Vertot : Bernard. 3 .Tames of Vitry 

< Bernard ; A. D. 1205. s Sanut. cap. 3 



fflSTORY OF CHIVALRY. 269 

pressed the mind of Saif Eddin, who had already to 
struggle with vast and increasing difficulties. He 
tendered the most advantageous twms of peace; 
but at that time the two great n.ilitary orders may 
be said to have governed Palestine.' They were 
then, as usual, contending with jealous rivalry f and 
the Templars, having for the moment the superiority, 
the offers of the sultaun were refused, because the 
Hospitallers counselled their acceptance. Jean de 
Brienne arrived, and wedded Mary, but the succour 
that he brought was very far inferior to that which 
the Latins had anticipated, and the war which had 
begun was confined to predatory excursions on the 
territory of the enemy.^ 

I must now retrograde in my history for some 
years, and speak of the affairs of Europe. No cru- 
sade, as we have seen, had been desired by the 
Christians of Palestine^ since they had enjoyed the 
comforts of peace, and no crusade had reached tha 
country; but, nevertheless, one of the most power- 
ful expeditions which Europe had ever brought into 
the field had set out for the purpose of delivering 
Jemsalem.^ 

This crusade was, in the first place, instigated by 
the preaching of a man less mighty than St. Bernard 
in oratory,^ and less moved by enthusiasm tlian Peter 
the Hermit ; but it was encouraged by one of the 
most talented and most ambitious of the prelates of 
Rome. Foulque of Neuilly would have produced 
little effect, had he not been supported by Innocent 
in. ; and the influence of neither the one nor the 
other would possibly have obtained the object desired, 

1 Hovedon. 

2 The power of the orders of the Temple and the Hospital had, by this 
time, become immense. Riches flowed in upon riches, and donatioa 
was added lo donation. In the year 1244, IMatthew Paris declares the 
Templars possessed in Europe nine thousand manors, and the Hospital 
lers nineteen thousand. 

i A. D. 1210. 4 James, Cardinal de Vitry 

6 a! D. 1202 6 Rigord. 

Z2 



270 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 

had not the young and enterprising TTiibalt, Count 
of Champagne, embraced the badge of the Cross with 
his court and followers, at a grand tournanjent' to 
which he had invited all the neighbouring princes. 
In the midst of their festivities, Foulque appeared, 
and called the whole assembly to the crusade. 
Partly, it is probable, from the love of adventure, 
partly from religious feeling, Thibalt, in his twenty- 
second year, assumed the Cross. The Count of 
Blois, who was present, followed his example ; and 
of eighteen hundred knights who held vassalage 
under the lord of Champagne, scarcely enough were 
left to maintain the territories of their sovereign. 
Nothing, except fear, is so contagious as enthusiasm: 
the spirit of crusading was revived in a wonderfully 
short time. The Count of Flanders, with various 
other persons, took the Cross at Bruges, and many 
more knights joined them from different parts of 
France, among whom was Simon de Montfort, who 
afterward proved the detestable persecutor of the 
Albigeois. 

After holding two general conferences at Soissons 
and at Compiegne, it was determined to send mes- 
sengers to Italy for the purpose of contracting with 
one of the great merchant states to convey the arma- 
ment to the Holy Land.^ The choice of the city 
was left to the deputies ; and they proceeded first to 
Venice, furnished with full powers from the crusad- 
ing princes to conclude a treaty in their name. Ve^ 
nice was at that time governed by the famous Henry 
Dandolo, who, with the consent of the Senate, agreed 
not only to carry the crusaders to Palestine for a 
certain sum, but also promised to take the Cross him- 
self and aid in their enterprise.^ Well satisfied with 
this arrangement, the deputed barons returned to 
France, but found the Count of Champagne sick of 



1 Ducange ; Villehardouin chronique. 2 Villehardouin. 

f Ducange, HUt. de Constantinople sons les Fran<;ai3. 



HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 271 

a disease which soon produced his death. After 
having been refused by Eudes, Duke of Burgundy, 
and Thibalt, Count of Bar, the office of commander 
of the expedition was offered to Boniface, Marquis 
of Montferrat, and accepted. The new chief of the 
crusade repaired to Soissons, to confer with the rest 
of the knights, and then proceeded to Italy to pre- 
pare for his departure. All these delays retarded 
their departure till the year 1202, when they set out 
in several bodies for Venice, and arrived safely at 
that city with very little difficulty.' 

Innocent III. had made infinite efforts in favour of 
the crusade : and, with the daring confidence of ge- 
nius, had even taxed the unwilling clergy, while he 
merely recommended charitable subscriptions among 
the laity. Under such circumstances it will be easily 
conceived that the voluntary donations amounted to 
an equal sum with the forced contributions ; but what 
became of the whole is very difficult to determine. 
Certain it is, that when the crusaders arrived at Ve- 
nice, not half the money could be raised among 
them which they had agreed to pay for the use of 
the repuolic's transports,^ although the chiefs melted 
down their plate to supply those who had not the 
means to defray their passage. 

This poverty was attiibuted to the fact of various 
large bodies having, either by mistake or perversity, 
taken the way to the Holy Land^ by other ports, and 
carried with them a large part of the stipulated sum ; 
but it does not appear that the Pope, into whose 
hands flowed the full tide of European alms, made 
any effort to relieve the crusaders from their diffi- 
culties. In this distress the Venetians offered to 
compromise their claim, and to convey the French 
to Palestine, on condition that they should aid in the 
recapture of the city of Zara, in Sclavonia, which 
had been snatched from the republic some time before 

I Vit. Innocent III. 8 Villehardouin. 3 Ducanga 



272 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 

by the King of Hungary.^ With this stipulation, 
Dandolo, thoug-h aged and stone blind, agreed to take 
the Cross ; and so deeply affected were the knights, 
both with his forbearance and gallant enthusiasm, 
that the iron warriors of Europe were melted to 
tears by the old man's noble daring. 

The news of this undertaking having reached 
Rome, the most vehement opposition was raised to 
any change of destination ; and Innocent^ launched 
the thunders of the church at the refractory cru- 
saders. Many of tlie chiefs — terrified by the excom- 
munication pronounced against those who should 
quit the direct road to the Holy Land, to attack the 
possessions of a Christian prince — remained in 
Italy f b-ut the greater part made every preparation 
to second the Venetians against Zara. 

Before their departure, the crusaders received en- 
voys, the event of whose solicitations afterward gave 
a new character to their expedition. At the death 
of Manuel Comnenus, emperor of th^ east, Andro- 
nicus, his brother, seized upon the throne and mur- 
dered his nephew, Alexius II., who had succeeded. 
Either urged by indignation or ambition, Isaac An- 
gelus, a distant relation of the slaughtered prince, 
took arms against the usurper, overthrew and put 
him to death ; after which he in turn ascended the 
throne of Constantinople.^ His reign was not long; 
for, at the end of two years, a brother, named Alex- 
ius, whom he had redeemed from Turkish captivity, 
snatched the crown from his head, and, to incapaci- 
tate him from ruling, put out his eyes. 

His son, named also Alexius, made his escape from 
prison, and fled to Italy, where he endeavoured to 
interest the Pope in his favour. But the church of 
Rome entertained small affection for the schismatic 
Greeks; and though Innocent wrote an impotent 

1 Villehardouin. 2 Baronius; Gesta Innocent ITT. 3 Villehardouin. 
* VUlehardouln; Ducange, Hist de Coustantiaople sous les Franjais. 



HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 273 

letter^ to the usurper, he showed no real favour to 
the unhappy prince. The young exile then turned 
to Philip of Suabia (then Emperor of Germany), 
who had married his sister Irene ; and at the same 
time hearing of the crusade, which was delayed at 
Venice,^ he sent deputies from Verona to the chiefs, 
to solicit their aid against his treacherous uncle. 
The barons of France met his prayers with kind- 
ness ; and the envoys were accompanied, on their 
return to the court of Philip of Suabia,^ by a party 
of the crusaders, who were instructed to receive 
any proposition which Alexius might think fit to 
make. 

In the mean while, the knights embarked on board 
the Venetian galleys, round the decks of which they 
ranged their shields, and planted their banners; and 
having been joined by Conrad, Bishop of Halberstadt, 
with a large body of German soldiers, a finer arma- 
ment never sailed from any port."* 

The chain which protected the harbour of Zara 
was soon broken through; the crusaders landed, 
pitched their tents,^ and invested the city on all sides. 
The besiegers, as usual, were much divided among 
themselves; and those who had unwillingly followed 
the host to Zara, against the commands of the Pope,' 
still kept up a continual schism in the camp, which 
produced fatal consequences to the people of the 
city. The morning after the disembarkation, a depu- 
tation of citizens came forth to treat with Dandolo 
for the capitulation of the town. Tlie Doge replied 
that he could enter nito no engagement without con- 
sulting his allies, and went for that purpose to the 
tents of the French chiefs. During his absence, 
those who opposed the siege persuaded the deputies 

1 Ducanpe, notes on Villeliardouin. 2 Philip Mouskes. 

8 VillcJiaidouiii. 

* It consisted of tliroe hundred vessels of a large size, besides palaa* 
d^re and sioiesliiiis. 
6 November, 1202. 6 Gunther ; Villehardouin. 



274 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 

from Zara that the crusaders^ would not assist the 
Venetians in an assault. With this assurance the 
Doge's reply was not waited for; the envoys re- 
turned, and the city prepared for defence. At the 
same time, the Abbot of Vaux Cernay presented him- 
self to the assembled barons, and commanded them, 
in the name of the' Pope, to refrain from warring 
against Christians while engaged under the banners 
of the Cross. On this the Doge angrily remonstrated ; 
the greater part of the knights embraced his cause ; 
and Zara, after being furiously attacked, surrendered 
at discretion. 

The town was now occupied during the winter by 
the army of the crusade; and the chiefs of the 
French forces sent a deputation to Rome to obtain 
pardon for their disobedience. This was easily 
granted ; but the Venetians, who seemed to care 
little about excommunication, remained under the 
papal censure. Notwithstanding the forgiveness 
they had obtained, many of the most celebrated 
knights quitted Zara,^ and made their way to the 
Holy Land. Such desertions took place especially 
after the return of the deputies sent to Philip of 
Suabia; and it was difficult to keep the army^ toge- 
ther, when it became known that its destination waa 
likely to be changed from Acre to Constantinople. 

Alexius, however, offered, in case of his being re- 
established in his father's dominions," to place the 
Greek church under the authority of the Roman 
pontiff, to turn the whole force of the eastern empire 
against the infidels of Palestine, and either to send 
thither ten thousand men, and there maintain five 
hundred knights during his life, or to lead liis forces 
towards Jerusalem in person. Besides this he pro- 
mised to pay two hundred thousand marks of silver* 
to the crusading army, and to place himself in the 



J Diicance; Villehaidouin. 2 Alberic; A. D. 1202, 

S Villehardouiu. 4 Ducanee. s Villehardouin. 



HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 275 

hands of the chiefs tni the city of Constantinople 
was retaken. 

These offers were so advantageous that the greater 
part of the barons embraced them at once : but many 
exclaimed loudly against the proposed inteiruption 
of the main purpose of the crusade, and many aban- 
doned the host altogether. 

Alexius the usurper trembled at the news of the 
treaty between his nephew and the crusaders, and 
sent instant ambassadors to Rome,' in order to en- 
gage the pontiff in his interest. Such of the chiefs 
as were opposed to the measure talked loudly of the 
papal injunction to refrain from all wars with the 
Christians;- but it does not appear that Innocent 
exerted himself strenuously to turn the Latins from 
their design. It was far too much his desire to bring 
the Greek church under the domination of the Roman 
see, for him to dream of thwarting an enterprise backed 
with the solemn conditions I have mentioned ; and it 
was not at all likely that the clearsighted prelate 
should renounce absolute engagements, as Mills has 
supposed,^ for the vague hope of wringing the same 
from a treacherous usurper. 

At length, after the Venetians had demolished 



1 Ducange, SGinther in Canisias. 

3 Mills says, that Innocent issued decrees and bulls aeaijist the expe- 
dition to Constantinople, and founds his reasoning on a passage of Balu- 
ziiis : but it is extremely probable that the anger of the Pope was a mere 
menace of the party opposed to the enterprise rather than an existing^ 
fact. Baluzius was not present any more than Ducange ; and surely, 
for every thing where research is concerned, Ducange is the better author- 
ity of the two : yet Ducange makes no mention of the opposition of the 
Pope, and absolutely states that the legate counselled the att;ick on- 
Constantinople. See Ducange, Hist, de Constantinople sovs les FraU' 
cais. 

Geoffroy de Villehardouin, who was not only present, but one of the- 
chief actors in what he relates, speaks fully of the Pope's wrath at the 
attack of Zara, but mentions no opposition to the enterjirise against Con- 
stantinople, though that enterprise was in agitation at the time the depu- 
ties were sent to Rome. Philippe Mouskes, Bishop of Tournay, a con- 
temporary, states that the first application of the young Prince Alexius 
to tne crusaders was made by the advice of the Pope. 



276 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 

Zara,' to prevent its falling again into the luTnds of 
their enemies, the expedition, having been joined by 
the prince Alexius, set sail, and at the end of a short 
and easy passage came within sight of Constanti- 
nople.2 

The allies were instantly met by ambassadors from 
the Emperor, who, mingling promises with threats* 
endeavoured to drive them again from the shore, but 
in vain. The crusaders demanded the restoration of 
Isaac, and submission from the usurper, and prepared 
to force their landing; but before they commenced 
hostilities, they approached the walls of Constanti- 
nople, and sailed underneath them, showing the young 
Alexius to the Greek people, and calling to them to 
acknowledge their prince. No sympathy was ex- 
cited, and the attack being determined on, the chiefs 
held a council on horseback, according to the custom 
of the ancient Gauls, when the order of their pro- 
ceedings was regulated. The army was portioned 
into seven divisions, the first of which was com- 
manded by the Count of Flanders, and the last by 
the Marquis of Montfei rat. Having procured a num- 
ber of flat-bottomed boats, one of which was attached 
to every galley, the knights entered with their horses, 
armed at all points, and looking, as Nicetas says, like 
statues of bronze.^ The archers filled the larger ves- 
sels, and it was the general understanding that each 
should fight as he came up. 

" The morning was beautiful,"'' writes the old 
Mareschal of Champagne, " the sun beginning to rise, 
and the Emperor Alexius waited for them with thick 
battalions and a great armament. On both sides the 
trumpets were sounded, and each galley led on a boat. 
The knights sprang out of the barks, while the water 
was yet to their girdle,^ with their helmets laced and 
their swords in their hands ; and the good archers, 



> Villehardouin. 2 June, 1203. » Nicetas, lib. iii. cap. 5. 

4 Villehardouin. 5 jbid. 



HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 277 

the sergeants, and the crossbowraen did the same 
wherever they happened to touch. The Greeks, at 
first, made great show of resistance, but when they 
saw the lances levelled they turned their backs and 
fled." 

The tents and camp equipage of the fugitives fell 
immediately into the hands of the crusaders; and 
siege was laid to the tower of Galata, which guarded 
one end of the great chain wherewith the mouth of 
the harbour was closed. Before night the Greeks had 
recovered from their panic, and some severe fighthio^ 
took place ere the fort could be taken and the barrier 
removed ; but at length this being accomplished, the 
Venetians entered the port. After ten days of con- 
tinual skirmishing, a general attack was determmed 
upon; and it was agreed that the Venetians' should 
assail the city by sea, while the French attempted to 
storm the walls by land. The enterprise began on 
the land side against the barbican ; but so vigorously 
was every inch of ground disputed by the Pisans, the 
English and Danish mercenaries who guarded the 
fortifications, that though fifteen French knights ob- 
tained a footing for some time on the ramparts, they 
were at length cast out, while four of their number 
were taken. 

In the mean while, the fleet of the Venetians ad- 
vanced to the walls ; and after a severe fight of mis- 
siles between the defenders and the smaller vessels 
which commenced the assault, the galleys themselves 
approached the land ; and, provided with high towers 
of wood, began to wage a nearer warfare with those 
upon the battlements. Still the besieged^ resisted 
with extraordinary valour, and the galleys were 
beaten ofl"; when the blind chief of the republic, armed 
at all points, commanded, with tremendous threats in 
case of disobedience, that his vessel should be run on 
shore ;^ and then, borne out with the standard of St. 

• Dandolo, Cliron. ; Villehardouin. 2 Epist. Innocent HI. 

9 Villehardouin. 

Aa 



1J78 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 

Mark before him, he led the way to victory. Shainfe 
spread through the rest of the fleet ; galley after gal- 
ley was brought up close under the walls^ and all the 
principal towers round the port were in a moment 
stormed and taken. Alexius made one great effort 
to recover the twenty-five towers which the Ve- 
netians had captured ; but, with remorseless reso- 
lution, Dandolo set fire to the neighbouring build- 
ings, and thus raised up a fiery buhvark to his con- 
quest.' 

As a last resource, the Emperor now issued fortn to 
give battle to the French : and so infinite was the 
superiority of his numbers, that the hearts of thepil- 
giims almost failed them. The gallant Doge of Ve- 
nice no sooner heard of their danger, than, abandon- 
ing the ramparts he had so nobly won, he brought 
his whole force^ to the aid of the French, declaring 
that he would live or die with his allies. Even after 
his arrival, however, the disparity was so great, that 
the crusaders dared not quit their close array to begin 
the fight, and the troops of Alexius hesitated to attack 
those liardy warriors whose prowess they had often 
witnessed. The courage of the Latins gradually in- 
creased by the indecision of their enemy, while the 
fears of the Greeks spread and magnified by delay 
and at length Alexius abandoned the last hope of 
courage, and retreated into the city. The weary cru- 
saders hastened to disarm and repose themselves, 
after a day of immense fatigues; but Alexius, having 
no confidence either in his own resolution, or in the 
steadiness of his soldiery, seized what treasure he 
could carry, and abandoned Constantinople to its 
fate.^ The coward Greeks, deserted by their chief, 
cVew forth the miserable Isaac from his prison ; and 
l.Aving robed the blind monarch in the long-lost pur- 
ple, they seated him on the throne, and sent to tell 
the Franks that their object was accomplished. The 

' Ducanpe; Villcha 'loiiin ; Niretas 2 villehardouin. 3 Nieetas 



HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 279 

crusaders would hardly believe the tidings, but de-* 
spatched four of their body to ascertain the tnith. 
The envoys found Isaac enthroned in the palace of 
Blachernae,' and surrounded by as large and splendid 
a court as if fortune had never ceased to smile upon 
him. 

They now represented to the restored Emperor the 
conditions of their treaty with his son ; and Isaac, 
after some slight hesitation, accepted them as his own. 
He also agreed to associate the young Alexius in the 
throne ; but as all these hard terms, especially that 
which implied the subjection of the Greeiv church to 
the Roman prelate, deeply offended his subtle and 
revengeful subjects, he prayed the crusaders to delay 
their departure till complete order was re-osta- 
blished.2 This was easily acceded to ; and the Franks 
and Venetians, during their stay, wrote to Innocent 
III., excusing iheir having again turned from the road 
to Jerusalem. 3 The Pope willingly pardoned both* 
but intimated, that to make that pardon efficacious, 
they must be responsible tliat the schism in the 
church sliould be healed by the submission of the 
Greeks to the see of Rome. 

At first, the harmony between the Franks and th< 
Greeks appeared to be great. The young Alexias 
paid several portions of the money which had been 
stipulated ;* and wliile the presence of the Latin army 
kept tlie capital in awe, he j)roceeded to reduce the 
provinces to obedience. When this was completed, 
however, and the tranquillity of the empire seemed 
perfectly restored, his conduct changed towards his 
benefactors. A fire which broke out in the city^ was 
attributed to tlie French, who were at the veiy mo- 
ment engaged in serious dispute with a party of 
Greeks, exasperated by an insult to their religion. 
The very domineering presence of the crusaders was 



> Ducaiisre; Villehardouia 2 Ibid 

S Gest Innoc. Ill 4 Ducange 5 Nicetae. 



280 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 

a continual and irritatino- reproach, and the Greeks 
began to testify no small hatred towards their armed 
guests. Alexius himself, ungrateful in his own na- 
ture, contending with his father about their divided 
sovereignty, and hesitating between the people he 
was called to govern and those who upheld him in 
the government, refused or evaded the fulfilment of 
many of the items in his treaty with the Latins. The 
chiefs soon found that they were deceived, and for- 
mally summoned the young monarch to accomplish 
his promises. The messengers who bore the haughty 
demand to a despotic court hardly escaped with their 
lives; and the same desultory warfare which had 
been waged by the emperors against each body of 
crusaders that had passed by Constantinople was 
now commenced against the Count of Flanders and 
his companions.' A thousand encounters took place, 
in which the Franks were always victorious; and 
though the Greeks directed a number of vessels, 
charged with their terrific fire, against the Venetian 
fleet, the daring courage and conduct of the sailors 
freed them iVom the danger, and only one Pisan gal- 
ley was consumed. 

In the mean while the Greeks of the city, hating 
and despising a monarch who had seated himself 
among them by the swords of strangers, and who had 
drained their purses to pay the troops that held them 
down ;'^ seeing, also, that his ingratitude, even to his 
allies, had left him without the support by which alone 
he stood, suddenly rose upon Alexius, and cast him 
into prison. Isaac himself died, it is said, of fear; 
and the Greeks at first elected a nobleman of a dif- 
ferent family, named Nicholas Canabus ; but he was 
mild and weak, a character which little suited the 
times or country in which he assumed so high a sta- 
tion. A rival, too, existed in a man who had shown 
unremitting enmity to the Latins, and after a short 

I VUlehardouln. 2 Nicctas. 



HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 281 

Struggle, Alexius Ducas, a cousin of the late mo- 
narch, a bold, unscrupulous villain,' Mas proclaimed 
emperor. Amon^ his first acts — though at what 
exact period remains in doubt^ — the new Alexius, 
who was more commonly called Murzuphlis, caused 
the preceding Alexius to be put to death. The man- 
ner of his fate is uncertain : but the usurper had the 
cunning impudence to yield his victim's body a pub- 
lic funeral. 

War was now determined between the crusaders 
and Murzuphlis, and tlie attack of the city was re- 
solved ; but previous to that attempt, the crusaders, 
who were in great want of provisions, despatched 
Henry, brotlier of the Count of Flanders, with a con- 
siderable force to Pliilippopoli, in order to take pos- 
session of the rich magazines which it contained. 
Returning loaded with spoil, he was attacked by 
Murzuphlis ; but the Greeks scattered like deer be- 
fore the Latins,^ and Henry rejoined his companions 
not only rich in booty, but in glory also. Negotia- 
tions were more than once entered into, for the pur- 
pose of conciliating the differences of the Greeks and 
the Latins ; but all proved ineffectual ; and early in 
the spring the armies of France and Venice prepared 
for the attack. The first step was, as usual, a treaty 
between the allies to apportion the fruits of success. 
By this it was determined that the whole booty should 
be divided equally between the French and Vene- 
tians*,* that six persons from each nation should be 
chosen to elect an emperor; that the Venetians 
should retain all the privileges they had hitherto en- 
joyed under the monarchs of Constantinople ; and 
that, from whichever of the two nations the empe- 
ror was selected, a patriarch should be named from 

1 Nicetas; Villehardouin; Gest. Innoc. III. 

8 Villehardouin intimates thai Murzuphlis put Alexins to dfath imma 
dialely after having seized the crown ; and the Chronicle in the Rouchy 
dialect, No. 148, Bibliolh^que de I'Arsenal, says. " Et ne demeura gairea 
•pr-is que Morcuffle estrangla le josne empereur Alexes en la prisoo." 

JNiceias. 4 Ducange; Villehardouin. 

Aa2 



282 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 

the other. There were various other conditions 
added, the principal of which were, that one-fourth 
of the whole conquest should be given to the new 
emperor, besides the palaces of Bucoleon and Bla- 
chernae, while the rest was divided among the French 
and Venetians ; and that twelve persons should be 
selected from each nation, to determine the feudal 
laws by which the land was to be governed, and to 
allot the territory in feoffs among the conquerors. 

On the 8th of April, l'20-4, the whole army, having 
embarked on board the ships," as had been previously 
concerted, attacked the city by water. The vessels 
approached close to the walls, and a tremendous fight 
began between the assailants and the besieged: but 
no hope smiled on the Franks ; they weie repelled 
in every direction ; and those who had landed,^ were 
forced to regain their vessels with precipitancy, ap- 
proaching to flight. The Greeks rejoiced in novel 
victory, and the Franks mourned in unwonted defeat. 
Four days were spent in (consultations regarding a 
further attempt ; and the chiefs, judging that no one 
vessel contamed a sufficient number of troops to 
effect a successful assault on any particular spot,^ it 
was resolved to lash the ships two and two together, 
and thus to concentrate a greater force on each point 
of attack. On the fourth day the storm was recom- 
menced, and at first the fortune of battle seemed still 
in favour of the Greeks; but at length, a wind 
springing up, drove the sea more fully into the port, 
and brought the galleys closer to the walls." Two 
of those lashed together, called the Pilgrim and the 
Paradise, now touched one of the towers, and, from 
the large wooden turret with which the mast was 
crowned, a Venetian and a French knight named 
Andrew d'Arboise sprang upon the ramparts of the 
city.' 

The crusaders rushed on in multitudes ; and such 

1 Villehardouin ; Ducange 2 Gunther ; Ducauge, 

9 ViUebardouio. 4 Oucange 6 2d Ai^ril, 1204. 



HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 282^ 

terror seized the Greeks, that the eyes of Nicetas 
magnified the first knight who leaped on the walls to 
the unusual altitude of fifty feetJ One Latin drove 
before him a hundred Greeks f the defence of the 
gates was abandoned ; the doors were forced in with 
blows of axes ; and the knights, leading their horses 
from the ships, rode in, and took complete possession 
of the city. Murzuphlis once, and only once, 
attempted to rally his troops before the camp he had 
formed, in one of the open spaces of the town. But 
ihe sight of the Count of St. Pol, with a small band 
of followers, was sufficient to put him to flight; and 
a German having set fire to a part of the buildings* 
no further efibrt was made to oppose the victorious 
crusaders. The fire was not extinguished for some 
time ; and the Latin host, in the midst of the immense 
population of Constantinople, like a handful of dust 
in the midst of the wilderness, took possession of 
the purple tents of Murzuphlis, and keeping vigilant 
guard, passed an anxious and a fearful night, after all 
the fatigues and exploits of the day. Twenty thou- 
sand was the utmost extent of the Latin numbers ;* 
and Constantinople contained, within itself, four 
hundred thousand men capable of bearing arms. 
Each house was a citadel, which might have delayed 
and repelled the enemy ; and each street was a defile* 
which might have been defended against a host. 
But the days of Leonidas were passed ; and the next 
morning the Latins found that Murzuphlis had fled, 
and that their conquest was complete. Plunder and 
violence of course ensued;^ but there was much 
less actual bloodshed than either the nature of the 
victory or the dangerous position of the victors 
might have occasioned. 

Fear is the most cruel of all passions ; and per- 
haps the fact that not two thousand persons were 
slain in Constautinople after the storm, is a greater 

1 Nicetas. « Gest. Inn. III. 3 Gunther ; Villehardouin. 

i ViJi»b«rdouin; Ducange. s Nicetas; Guntber. 



2S4 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 

proof of the courage of the Latins than even the 
taking of the city. Many noble and generous ac- 
tions mingled with the effects of that cupidity and 
lust which follow always upon the sack of a great 
town. Nicetas mentions a striking example which 
happened to himself, wherein a noble Venetian dedi- 
cated his whole attention to protect an ancient bene- 
factor ;' and a body of Frenchmen, in the midst of 
the unbounded licentiousness of such a moment, 
were moved by a father's agony to save his daugh- 
ter from some of their fellows. This is the admis- 
sion of a prejudiced and inveterate enemy ; audit is 
but fair to suppose, that many such instances took 
place. The great evils that followed the taking of 
,the eastern capital, originated in the general com- 
mand to plunder. Constantinople had accumulated 
within it the most precious monuments of ancient 
art,^ and these were almost all destroyed by the bar- 
barous hands of an avaricious soldiery. Naught Avas 
spared ; the bronzes, which, valueless as metal, were 
inestimable as the masterpieces and miracles of an- 
tique genius, were melted down,^ and struck into 
miserable coin ; the marble was violated with wan- 
ton brutality ; all the labour of a Phidias or a Lysip- 
pus was done away in an hour ; and that which had 
been the wonder and admiration of a world left less 
to show what former days had been, than the earth 
after the deluge. 

In this the Latins were certainly barbarians ; but 
in other respects — unless subtilty, deceit, vice, and 
cowardice caji be called civilization, and courage, 
frankness, and honour can be considered as barba- 
rism — the Latins deserved not the opprobrious name 
by which the Greeks designated them. 

The plunder of the city was enormous. In money* 
a sufficient sum was collected to distribute twenty 
marks to each knight, ten to each servant of arms, 

1 Nicetas. 2 See note XT. 

3 Nicetas. * VUlehardouin ; Ducange. 



HISTORY OF CHIVALRY 285 

and five to each archer. Besides this, a vast quantity 
of jewels and valuable merchandise was divided 
between the French and Venetians ; and the republic, 
who understood the value of such objects better than 
the simple P'rankish soldiers, offered to buy the whole 
spoil from their comrades, at the rate of f(iur hun- 
dred marks for a knight's share, and in the same 
proportion to the resf. The booty — with a lew 
individual instances of concealment,' which were 
strictly punished with death when discovered- -was 
fairly portioned out; and, after this partition, tlie 
twelve persons selected to choose an emperor pro- 
ceeded to their deliberations. They were bound by 
oath to elect without favour the best qualified of the 
nobles ; and after a long hesitation, between tlie Mar- 
quis of Montferrat and the Count of Flanders, they 
named the latter.- In all probability the determining 
consideration was, that Baldwin, by his immediate 
connexion with France, was more capable of sup- 
porting the new dynasty than the Marquis, whose 
Italian domains could not aftbrd such effective aid. 
To prevent the evil consequences of rivalry, the 
island of Crete and the whole of Asiatic Greece 
\vere given to Montferrat, who afterward, with the 
consent of Baldwin, exclianged them for the Scla- 
vonian territory. Baldwin was then raised upon a 
buckler,^ and cariied to the church of St. Sophia. 
After a brief space of preparation, he w;is formally 
proclaimed, and crow.icd as emperor; and, accorchng 
to old usage, a vase filled with ashes,* and a tuft of 

1 Villehardouin. ^ Xicetas ; Ducaiige; Villchardouin ; Albcric. 

3 Ducaiige. 

4 The cardinal legate Invested Baldwin with ihc purple with Ills own 
hands, and Iniioieiii i;ontirined, in all poinl.s but ttmso of ccclcsi;u>iical 
government, the treaty by which the Veneiians and the Franks had bound 
themselves. He also !Ook the greatest iniercsl in the i ew stale, .mj 
wrote 10 all the prelates of IVancc and Germany to b;up])ort it by iheii 
preaching and inlluence. This nniy be added to other firools, that Inno 
ceil never seriously opposed the e.\i>cdition against the schismatic cm 
pire of the Greeks. The truili in all probability is, that he made a show 
of tuiuing the crusaders from their purpose, both to preserve consistency 



286 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 

lighted wool, were presented to the new monarch, as 
a symbol of the transitory' nature of life and the 
vanity of greatness— emblems too applicable to him- 
self and his dominions ; for ere two yeais had passed, 
Baldwin had gone down into the grave; and less 
than the ordinary life of one man elapsed before the 
dynasty that he established was again overthrown. 



CHAPTER XIV. 

iHvisioTis among the Moslems— Among the Christians— Crusade of 
Children — huiocent III. declares he will lead a new Crusade to Syria 
— The King of Hinigary takes the Cross — A rrives in Syria — Successes 
of the. Pilgrims — Tkey abandon the Siege of Mount Thabor — The King 
of Huyisary returns to Europe — The Duke of Austria contirnies the 
War — Siege of Damietta— Reinforcements arrive under a Legate — 
Famine in Damietta— The Moslems offer to yield Palestine— The 
tegate's Pride— Hr refuses— Taking of Damietta— The Army advances 
owards Cairo — Ove'rjlowijig of the Nile — The Army ruined— The 
Legate sues for Peace — Generous Conduct of the Sultaun — Marriage 
of the Heiress of Jerusalem with Frederic, Emperor of Germany — His 
Disputes with the Pope — His Treaties ivith the Saracens— He recovers 
Jerusalem— Quits the Holy Land— Disputes in Palestine— The Ttm- 
plars defeated and slaughtered -Gregory IX.— Crusade of the King 
of Navarre tneff'trtual^Crusade of Richard, Earl of Cornwall- 
Jerusalem recovered — The Corasmin-t— Their Barbarity — They take 
Jerusalem — Defeat the Christians ivith timble slaughter— Are exter- 
minated by tile Syrians— Crusade of St. Louis— His Character — 
Arrines in the Holy Land— Takes Damietta — Battle of Massoura — 
Pestilence in the Army— The King taken — Ransomed— Returns to 
Europe — Seco7id Crusade of St. Loui,i — Takes Carthage— His Death 
— Crusade of Prince Edward — He diftats the Saracens — Wounded by 
an Assassin — Returns to Europe—Successes of the Turks— Last 
Siege and Fall of Acre— Palestine lost. 

The fifth crusade had ended, as we have seen, 
without producing any other benefit to Palestine than 

ind to afford room for any after-exertion of his authority that he might 
judge necessary; but that, at the same time, the cardinal legate very 
well understood that he was to promote the enterprise, and to be slightly 
Olamed for it afterward, in order to screen his superior from the charge 
of that ambitious craving for which, however, he was notorious. It 
iv-ould be difficult to believe that Innocent, who triumphed over Philip 
Augustus, the greatest monarch of the day, and forced him to abandon 
{lis dearest wishes, would confine himself to idle threats, if he enter-» 
lained any serious disincUnaliou to the attack of Constantinople. 



HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 287 

a deep depression in the minds of the Turks, from 
the knowledge that the weak dynasty of the Greeks 
had been replaced by a power of greater energy and 
resolution. The famine also, which about this time 
desolated the territories of the Egyptian sultaun, 
and the contests' between the remaining Attabecs 
and the successors of Saladin, crippled the efforts of 
the Moslems ; while the courageous activity of Jean 
de Brienne^ defeated the attempts of Saif Eddin. 
Nevertheless, many bloody disputes concerning the 
succession of Antioch, and the fierce rivalry of the 
orders of the Temple and Hospital, contributed to 
shake the stability of tlie small Christian dominion 
that remained. 

Each year,^ two regular voyages of armed and 
unarmed pilgrims took place, from Europe to the 
Holy Land : these were called i\\e passagnimMartii\ 
or the spring passage ; and the passagium Johannis, 
or the summer passage which occurred about the 
festival of St. John. A continual succour was thus 
afforded to Palestine : and that the spirit of crusading 
was by no means extinct in Europe is evinced by the 
extraordinary fact of a crusade of children^ having 
been preached and adopted towards the year 1213. 
Did this fact rest alone upon the authority of Alberic 
of Three Fountains Abbey, we might be permitted 
to doubt its having taken place, for his account is, 
in several particulars, evidently liypothetiral ; but so 
many coinciding authorities exist,* that belief be- 
comes matter of necessity. 

The circumstances are somewhat obscure ; but it 
seems certain that two monks, with the design of 
profiting by a crime then too common, the traihc in 
children, induced a great number of the youtli of 
both sexes to set out from France for the Holy Land, 
habited as pilgrims, with the scrip and staff. Twa 

' Reinaud rw. des Hist. Arabes. - Vertot. 

' Uucange. * Albertr. Mon. Trium Foniium. 

• Jai'ob. de Voragine; Alh«rt StsJunms 



288 HISTORY or chivalry. 

merchants of Marseilles,' accomplices in the plot, 
as it ^vould seem, furnished the first body of these 
misguided children with vessels, which, of course, 
were destined to transport them for sale to the Afri- 
can coast. Several of tlie ships were wrecked on 
tlie shores of Italy, and every soul perished, but the 
rest pursued their way and accomplished their in- 
human voyag-e. The two merchants, however, were 
afterward detected in a plot against the emperor 
Frederic, and met the fate they deserved. Another 
body, setting out from Germany, reached Genoa after 
immense difficulties; and there the Gcnoose, instead 
of encouraging their frantic enthusiasm, wisely com- 
manded them to evacuate their tenitory ; on which 
they returned to their homes, and though many died 
on the road, a great part arrived in safety,^ and 
escaped the fate which had overtaken the young ad- 
venturers from Fiance. 

When Innocent III. heard of this crusade, he is 
reported to have said, " While we sleep, these chil- 
dren are awake :" and it is more than probable, that 
ihis circumstance convinced him, that the zealous 
spirit which had moved all the expeditions to the 
Holy Land was still active and willing. Certain it 
is, that he very soon afterward sent round an ency- 
clical letter, calling the Christian world once more 
to arms against the Moslems. Indulgences were 
spread, and extended in their character : a council 
of Lateran was held, and Innocent himself declared^ 
his intention of leading the warriors of Christ to 
the scene of his crucifixion. De Cour9on, an Eng- 
lish monk, who had become cardinal, preached the 
new crusade with all the pomp of a Roman prelate, 
and a great number of individuals were gathered 
together for the purpose of succouring Palestine. 
But the kings of the earth had now more correct 



I AlbericiiP. 2 Jacob, de Vorayine; Albert. Stadenpis. 

3 Gest. Innocent in ; Labbe concil. Matthew Pahs, A. D. 1213. 



HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 289 

views of policy; and policy never encourag-es enthu- 
siasm except as an instrument. Onlv one kinsj there- 
fore could be found to take the Cross— this was 
Andrew,' monarch of Hungary ; and the Dukes of 
Austria and Bavaria, with a multitude of German 
bishops and nobles, joined his forces, and advanced 
to Spalatro. Innocent III. was by this time dead, 
but the expedition sailed in Venetian ships to Cyprus, 
and thence, after having- given somewhat too much 
rein to enjoyment, proceeded to Acre, carrjing with 
it a large reinforcement from France and Italy. The 
Saracens had heard less of this crusadt? than of those 
which had preceded it, and were therefore less pre- 
pared to oppose it. The Christian armv advanced 
with success, and many thousands of the infidels felt 
the European steel ; but the crusaders, not contented 
with plundering their enemies, went on to plunder 
their friends ; and serious divisions began, as usual, 
to show themselves, which were onlv healed by the 
influence of the clergy, who turned the attention of 
the soldiers from pillnge and robbery to fasts and 
pilgrimages. When the host was once more united, 
its exertions were directed to the capture of the 
fort^ built by the Saracens on Mount Thabor. After 
overcoming infinite difficulties in the ascent of the 
mountain, the Latins found themselves opposite the 
fortress : the soldiers were enthusiastic and spirited ; 
and it 's more than probable that one gallant attack 
would have rendered the greatest benefit to the Chris- 
tian cause, by obtaining possession of such an im- 
portant point. Tile leaders,^ however, seized with 
a sudden fear of being cut ofl', abandoned their object 
without striking a blow, and retired to Acre. The 
rest of the season was passed in excursions, by which 
the Christians obtained many prisoners and much 
spoil ; and in pilgrimages, wherein thousands were 



I Chron. Godefrid. Mon. ; Bonfiuius. 2 Bernard the Treasurer. 

' Jacob. Vitriac ; Bernardus. 

Bb 



290 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 

cut to pieces by the Saracens. The king's of Cyprus 
and Hungary then turned their course to Tripoli, 
where the first died, and the Hungarian monarch' 
was suddenly seized with the desire of returning to 
his own dominions f which he soon put in execution, 
notwithstanding the prayers and solicitations of the 
Syrian Christians. 

Still the Latins of Palestine were not left destitute. 
The Duke of Austria remained, with all the German 
crusaders ; and the next year a large reinforcement 
arrived from Cologne ; nor would these have been 
so tardy in coming, had they^ not paused upon the 
coast of Portugal to succour the queen of that coun- 
try against the Moors. The efforts of the Christians 
had proved hitherto so fruitless for the recovery of 
Jerusalem, while the Saracens could bring vast forces 
from Egypt continually to the support of their Syrian 
possessions, that the Latins now resolved to strike 
at the very source of their power. 

Damietta was supposed to command the entrance 
of the Nile, and consequently to be the key of Egj'pt; 
and thither the crusaders set sail, for the purpose of 
laying siege to that important city. They* arrived 
in the month of May, and landed on the western 
bank of the river opposite to the town. A tower in 
the centre of the stream, connected with the walls 
by a strong chain, was the immediate object of attack ; 
but the first attempt was repulsed with great loss, 
though made by the Hospitallers, the Teutonic Order, 
and the Germans, united. An immense machine^ of 
wood was now constructed on board two of the ves- 
sels, which, lashed together, were moved across to 

1 Bernardus. 

2 Mere restlessness is stated by Mills to have been the cause of An- 
drew's abandonment of the enterprise, but this was any thing but the 
case. Andrew, it is true, was of a weak and unstable character; but 
there were far too inany dissensions in Hungary, and tragic horrors in 
his own faniily, to permit of his remaining in Palestine without total 
Miinto himself and his dominions. — See Bonjinius. 

* Godefrid. Mop.. ; James of Vitry. 4 Bernardus ; James of Vitry. 
5 Matthew Paris. 



HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 291 

the point of assault, and, after along and courageous 
resistance, the garrison of the castle \vas forced to 
surrender at discretion.^ The besieging party then 
abandoned themselves to joy and revelry ; they 
looked upon the city as taken ; and the news of the 
death of Saif Eddin increased their hopes of the 
complete deliverance of the Holy Land. The vic- 
tories which Saif Eddin had gained over the Chris- 
tians were indeed but small, nor had he struck any 
one great blow against the Attabecs, but he had gra- 
dually, and almost imperceptibly, extended his domi- 
nions in every direction, and left a large territory and 
full treasury to his successors. His high qualities 
were different from those of Saladin, and his charac- 
ter was altogether less noble and striking, but he 
possessed more shrewdness than his brother ; and if 
his mind had not the same capability of expanding, 
it had more powers of concentration. To Saif Ed- 
din succeeded his two sons, Cohr Eddin and Camel, 
the first of whom took possession of Syria and 
Palestine in peace. But Egypt, which the second 
had governed for some time, instantly broke out into 
revolt on the news of his father's death, and had the 
Franks pushed the war in that countiy with vigour, 
greater effects would have been produced than were 
ever wrought by any preceding crusade. They ne- 
glected their opportunity ; spent their time in rioting 
and debauchery under the yet unconquered walls of 
Damietta : and, after the arrival of large reinforce- 
ments from France, England, and Italy, under the 
Cardinals Pelagius and Courgon, the Earls of Chester 
and Sahsbury, and the Counts of Nevers and La 
Marche, they only changed their conduct from revel- 
ling to dissension. At length they awoke from their 
frantic dreams, and prepared to attack the city itself; 
but before they could accomplish their object, Cohr 

1 The whole of the siege of Damietia, and the events that fol'9wed, 
I nave taken from James of Vitry and the old French of Bernard the 
Treasurer, with the Recueil des Hiet. Arabes. 



293 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 

Eddin had entered Egypt, put down rebellion, and re- 
established his brother Camel in full possession of 
his authority. The siege of Damietta now became, 
like the first siege of Antioch, a succession of bat- 
tles and skirmishes. For three months the various 
nations that composed the besieging force as well as 
the Templars, the Hospitallers, and the Teutonic 
knights, vied with each other in deeds of g-lory ; nor 
were the Saracens behind their adversaries in courage, 
skill, or resolution. But famine took up the sword 
against the unhappy people of Damietta. Pesti- 
lence soon joined her, and the fall of the city became 
inevitable.' 

Cohr Eddin, fearful that Jerusalem might be turned 
to a post against him, had destroyed the walls of that 
town ; but now that he saw the certain loss of Da- 
mietta, and calculated the immense advantages the 
Christians might thence gain, he with the best policy 
agreed to make a vast sacrifice to save the key of 
his brother's dominions. Conferences were opened 
with the Christians, and the Saracens offered, on the 
evacuation of Egypt by the Latins, to yield the whole 
of Palestine, except the fortresses of Montreal and 
Karac, to restore all European prisoners, and even to 
rebuild the walls of Jerusalem for the Christians. 
The King of Jerusalem, the English, the French, and 
the Germans looked upon their warfare as ended, 
and their object achieved, by the very proposal ; but 
the cardinal Pelagius, the two military Orders, and 
the Italians, opposed all conciliation, contending that 
no faith was to be put in the promises of infidels. 

Heaven only knows whether the Saracens would 
have broken their engagements, or whether calm 
moderation might not have restored Palestine to the 
followers of the Cross ; but moderation was not con- 
sulted, and the walls of Damietta were once more 
attacked. It was no longer difficult to iz\e them, 

1 James of Vitry , Uernard the Treasurer. 



KISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 293 

-and when the crusaders entered the cit}^, they dis- 
covered nothing- but a world of pestilence. Death 
was in every street; and of seventy thousand souls, 
not three thousand were found ahve.' 

Discord, of course, succeeded conquest ; and after 
having cleansed and purified Damietta, a winter was 
spent in dissensions, at the end of which a great 
part of the army returned to Europe ; and Jean de 
Brienne, offended by the arrogance of Pelagius, re- 
tired to Acre. Concessions soon brought him back, 
and hostilities were resumed against the Moslems, 
but the legate overbore all counsel ; and instead of 
directing their^ arms towards Palestine, which was 
now open to them, the crusaders marched on towards 
Cairo. The forces of the sultaun had greatly in- 
creased, but he still offered peace, on conditions as 
advantageous as those that had been previously pro- 
posed. The legate insultingly rejected all terms, 
wasted his time in inactivity, the Nile rose, the 
sluices were opened, and Pelagius found himself at 
once unable to advance, and cut off from his re- 
sources at Damietta. There is nothing too mean for 
disappointed pride, and the legate then sued in the 
humblest language for permission to retinn to Acre. 
The Sultaun of Egypt, with admirable moderation, 
granted him peace, and the King of Jerusalem be- 
came one of the hostages that Damietta should be 
given up. The troops would still have perished for 
want, had not the noble sultaun been melted by the 
grief of John of Brienne, who wept while recounting 



1 This pestilence seems to have been somewhat like the sea scurvy. 
It was not at all confined to the city, though it raged more furiously 
•within the walls. Nevertheless, many of the soldiers of the Cross were 
attacked by it. James of Vitry, describing its effects, says, " A sudden 
pain took possession of the feet and legs : soon afler, the gums and the 
teeth became affertcd wiih a sort of gangrene, and the >^ick persons were 
not able lo eat : then, the bones of the legf> became horribly black ; and 
thus, after having snffiircd long tonnents, during which they showed 
iruch patience a great number of Christians went to repose in the bosom 
4M' the Lord." 

* Jamis of Vitry; JJe nardus. 

Bb2 



294 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 

the distress in which he had left his people. The 
Saracen mingled his tears with those of the hostage 
kin'^, and ordered the army of his enemy to be sup- 
plied with food.' Damietta was soon after yielded, 
and the hostages exchanged. John of Brienne re- 
tired to Acre, wearied of unceasing efforts to recover 
his nominal kingdom ; and Pelagius passed over 
into Europe, loaded with the hatred and contempt of 
Palestine. 

.Tohn of Brienne had received the crown of Jeru- 
salem as his wife's dowry, and it was destined that 
the marriage of his daugliter should restore the Holy 
City to the Christians. The emperor Frederick II. 
had often vowed in the most solemn manner to lead 
his armies into Palestine, and had as often broken 
his oath. At length it was proposed to him that he 
should wed Violante, the beautiful heiress of the 
Syrian kingdom ; and it was easily stipulated that 
Johji of Brienne should give up his rights on Pales- 
tine to his daughter's husband. Frederic eagerly 
caught at the idea. By the intervention of the Pope 
the treaty was concluded between tlie king and the 
emperor; and Violante, having been brought to 
Europe, was espoused by her imperial lover.- INIany 
causes combined to delay the new crusade, though 
it was preached by two succeeding popes with all 
the zeal and promises that had led to those that went 
before. France and Italy remained occupied entirely 
by intestine dissensions ; but England showed great 
zeal, and sent sixty thousand men at arms to the 
field.^ The emperor collected together immense 
forces, and proceeded to Brundusium ; but there, 
being taken ill of a pestilential disease which had 
swept away many of his soldiers, he was obliged to 
return after having put to sea. Gregory IX. was 
now in the papal chair ; and — wroth with the empe- 
ror for many a contemptuous mark of disobedience 

1 Recueil iles Hist. Arabes ; Matlli^^'v Paris ; Bernard the Treasuna: 

2 Bernard 3 Matthew Paris. 



HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 295 

to the ecclesiastical authority — he now excommu- 
nicated him for coming back, however necessary the 
measure. Frederic was angry, though not fright- 
ened ; and, after having exculpated himself to Europe 
by a public letter,' he sent his soldiers to plunder the 
Pope's territories while he recovered his health. At 
length, in 1228, he set sail from Brundusium, still 
burdened with the papal censure, which he was too 
much accustomed to hear to feel as any oppressive 
load. He arrived without difficulty at Acre ; but all 
men wondered that so great an enterprise should be 
undertaken with so small a force as that which could 
be contained in twenty galleys ; audit soon appeared 
that Frederic had long been negotiating with Camel, 
Sultaun of Egypt, who, fearful of the active and am- 
bitious spirit of his brother Cohr Eddin,^ had entered 
into a private treaty with the German monarch. 

The emperor, on his arrival in Palestine, found 
that the revengeful Pope had laid his injunction upon 
all men to show him no obedience, and afford him 
no aid while under the censure of the church.^ None, 
therefore, at first, accompanied him in his march 
but his own forces and the Teutonic knights. 
The Hospitallers and Templars soon followed, and, 
too fond of active warfare to remain neuter, joined 
themselves to the army on some verbal concession 
on the part of Frederic. About this time Cohr 
Eddin died ; and Camel,"* freed from apprehen- 
sion,^ somewhat cooled towards his Christian ally. 
He was, nevertheless, too generous . to violate his 
promises, and after Frederic had advanced some 
way towards Jerusalem, a treaty was entered into 
between the German monarch and the Saracens, 
whereby the Holy City and the greater part of Pales- 
tine was yielded to the Christians, with the simple 

1 Matthew Paris, ad. ann. 1228. 2 Bemardus. 

3 Rainaldus ; Sanut. ; William of Nangis, 1232. 

4 Bernard the Treasurer ; Cont. of William of Tyre. 

■^ For some curious particulars concerning the disputes between th« 
emperor and the Templars, see the old French of Bernard the Treasurer. 



296 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 

etipnlation that the Moslems were to be allowed' to 
worship in the temple, as well as the followers of the 
Cross.2 Frederic then proceeded to Jerusalem to be 
crowned ; but the conditions he had agreed to had 
given otTence to the Christians of Judea, and the 
Pope's excommunication still hung over his head. 
All the services of the church were suspended 
during his stay ; he was obliged to raise the crown 
from the altar himself and place it on his own brow ; 
and he discovered, by messengers from the Sultaun 
of Egypt, that some individuals^ of the military 
Orders had offered to betray him into the hands of the 
Saracens. Frederic now found it necessary to de- 
part,^ and after having done justice upon several of 
the chief contemners of his authority, he set sail for 
Europe, leaving Palestine^ in a far more favourable 
state than it had known since the fatal battle of 
Tiberias. 

Soon after the departure of Frederic, a new aspi- 
rant to the crown of Jerusalem appeared in the per- 
son of Alice, Queen of Cyprus, the daughter of Isa- 
bella and Henry, Count of Champagne, and half- 

1 Bernard. 

2 This story is doubtful. Matthew Paris says, tliat the Templars and 
Hospitallers gave information to the sultaun that Frederic would, on a 
certain day, make a pilgrimage to bathe in the River Jordan. It was not 
at all likely, however, that two Orders which were always at enmity 
should unite for such a purpose. 

3 Matthew Paris, ann. 1229. 

4 There were many motives which induced Frederic to return lo 
Europe besides disjiust at the ungrateful conduct of the Syrian Chris- 
tians. The Pope, not content with using the spiritual sword against him, 
had unsheathed the temporal one, and was waging a furious war against 
the imperial lieutenant in Italy. It would .seem a strange fact that John 
of Brienne, ex-king of Jerusalem, and father-in-law of the emperor, was 
in command of the papal forces which ravaged his son-in-law's territo- 
ries, had we not good reason to helicvp that Frederic's condi'ct to Violante 
(who was now dead) had been of a nature that so chivalrous a man 
as John of Brienne was not likely to pass urmoticed, when his daughter 
was the sufferer However, it is but just to remark that the reason why 
this crusade did not entirely restore the Holy Land to the dominion of the 
Christians, is to be found in the vindictive and unchrisrian enmity of Pipe 
Gregory IX. towards the Emperor Frederic. 

•6 Matthew Paris. 



HISTORY OF CHI ALRY. 297 

sister of Mary, throug^h whom John of Brienne had 
obtained the throne. Her claims were soon disposed 
of; for the three mihtary Orders,^ uniting in purpose 
for once, adhered to the Emperor of Germany, and 
Alice was obliged to withdraw. After this struggle 
the attention of the Christians was entirely turned 
to the general defence ; and the right of the empe- 
ror, who had now made his peace with the Pope, 
was universally recognised.^ Nevertheless, the 
truce which he had concluded with Camel, the Sul- 
taun of Egypt, did not in all instances save the La- 
tins of Palestine from annoyance and warfare. The 
whole country was surrounded by a thousand petty 
Mahommedan states not included in the peace, and 
the Moslems left no opportunity unimproved for the 
purpose of destroying their Christian neighbours. 
Their incursions on the Latin tenitory were inces- 
sant ; and many large bodies of pilgrims were cut to 
pieces, or hurried away into distant lands as slaves. 

A truce had been agreed upon also, between the 
Templars and the Sultaunof Aleppo; but at the death 
of that monarch both parties had again recourse to 
arms, and the Templars were defeated with such ter- 
rible slaughter that all Europe was moved with com- 
passion. Even their ancient rivals, the Hospitallers, 
sent them immediate succour ; and from the coni- 
mandery of St. .Tohn, at Clerkenwell,^ alone, a body 
of three hundred knights took their departure for the 
Holy Land. 

A council likewise was held about this time at 
Spoletto, where another crusade was announced ; and 
Gregory IX., who combined in his person every in- 
consistency that ambition, bigotry, and avarice can 
produce, sent the Dominican and Franciscan friars 
to stimulate Europe to take the Cross. No sooner 
had the crusade been preached, and the enthusiastic 
multitudes were ready to begin the journey, than 

1 Samitus. 2 Regist. Greg. Noni, Vertot Preuves. 

8 Matthew Paris, 1237 



298 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 

Gregory and his agents persuaded many to compro- 
mise their vow ;' and, by paying a certain sum to- 
wards the expenses of the expedition, to fill the pa- 
pal treasury, under the pretence of assisting their 
brother Christians. Those who would not thus yield 
to his suggestions he positively prohibited from set- 
ting out, and engaged the Emperor PYederic to throw 
impediments in their way, when they pursued their 
purpose. Nevertheless, the King of Navarre, the 
Duke of Burgundy, the Count of Brittany, and the 
Count de Bar proceeded to Palestine in spite of all 
opposition ; and their coming was of very timely ser- 
vice to the defenders of the Holy Land, for no sooner 
had the period of his truce with the Christians ex- 
pired, than Camel, finding that preparations for war 
were making on their part, anticipated their efforts, 
retook Jerusalem, routed all tlie forces that could be 
opposed to him, and overthrew w^iat was called the* 
Tower of David. He died shortly after this victory, 
and on the arrival of the crusaders, a prospect of suc- 
cess seemed open before them. But the-operations 
of the chiefs were detached, and though the Count 
of Brittany gained some advantages towards Damas- 
cus, the rest of the French knights were completely 
defeated in a pitched battle at Gaza, and most of 
their leaders were either killed or taken. The King 
of Navarre v/as glad to enter into a disgraceful treaty 
with the Emir of Karac, which was conducted 
through the intervention of the Templars ;^ and the 
rest of the Latins formed alliances with what neigh- 
bouring powers they could. The Hospitallers, how- 
ever, would not subscribe to the truce with tlie Emir 
of Karac^ through jealousy towards the Templars, 
and there was no power in the state sufficiently 
strong to force them to obedience. 

Shortly after this event, the King of Navarre re- 
turned to Europe, and Richard, Earl of Cornwall, 

1 Matthew Paris ; Sanutus. 2 Sanutus, lib. iii. page 216. 

8 TUe Emir of K irac was but a dependant of the Sultaun of Damascus 



HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 299 

with many knights and large forces, arrived in Pales- 
tine. Their expedition had been sanctioned by all the 
authorities of Europe, except the Pope. Plenry III. 
conducted them in person to the shore ; the prayers 
and benedictions of the people and the clergy fol- 
lowed them, and their journey through France was 
accompanied by shouts and acclamations. On his 
arrival in Palestine, Richard instantly marched upon 
Jaffa, but he was met by envoys from the Sultaun of 
J^gyP^ — ^^'^^o was now at war with the Sultaun of Da- 
mascus — offering an exchange of prisoners, and a 
complete cession of the Holy Land,' with some un- 
important exceptions. Richard instantly accepted 
such advantageous proposals ; Jerusalem was given 
up to the Christians, the rebuilding of the walls was 
commenced, the churches were purified, and the earl 
returned to Europe with the glorious title of the de- 
liverer of Palestine. The Templars would not be 
parties to this treaty, as the Hospitallers had refused 
to participate in the other ; and thus, one of the great 
military Orders remained at war with the Sultaun 
of Damascus,^ and the other with the Sultaun of 
Egypt. 

W hile these events had been passing in Palestine, 
a new dynasty had sprung up in the north of Asia, and 
threatened a complete revolution in the whole of that 
quarter of the world. Genjis Khan and his succes- 
sors had overturned all the northern and eastern go- 
vernments of Asia ; and, spreading over tliat fair por- 
tion of the earth precisely as the Goths and Huns had 
spread over Roman Europe, had reduced the more po- 
lished and civilized nations of the south, by the sa- 
vage vigour and active ferocity of a race yet in the 
youth of being. Among^ other tribes whom the 
successors of Genjis had expelled from their original 
abodes, was a barbarous and warlike horde called the 



Matthew Paris ; Litter® Comit. Richardi. 2 Sanutus ; Vertot. 

Bibliotheque Oriental; 
nuaiiOQ of William of Tyre. 



3 Bibliotheque Oriental ; Joinville ; Ducange ; Sanutus, 217 : Conti- 

- Willi 



300 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 

Corasmins ; and this people, wandering about with* 
out a dwelling-, destroying- as they went, and waging 
war ag-ainst all nations, at length directed their course 
towards Palestine. So quick and unexpected had 
been their arrival, that the Christians employed in 
the re-edification of the city-walls never dreanied.of 
invasion till fire and massacre had swept over half 
the Holy Land.' No troops were collected, no pre- 
parations made, the fortifications of the city were in- 
complete, and the only resource of the people of Je- 
rusalem was to retire in haste to the shelter of Jaffa, 
under the guidance of the few Templars and Hospi- 
tallers who were on the spot. Some few persons 
remained, and made an attempt at defence ; but the 
town was taken in a moment, and every soul in it 
put to the sword.^ The bloodthirsty barbarians, not 
satisfied with the scanty number of victims tliey had 
found, artfully raised the banner of the Cross upon 
the walls, and many of the Latins who had fled re- 
turned. Seven thousand more were tlius entrapped 
and massacred ; and the Corasmins exercised every 
sort of barbarous fury on those olyects they thought 
most sacred in the eyes of the Cliristians. 

At length the fugitives at Jaffa received a succour 
of four thousand men from their allies, the Sultauns 
of Emissa and Damascus,^ and resolved to give bat- 
tle to the barbarians. The Patriarch of Jerusalem 
precipitated the measures of the army, and after a 
dreadful struggle the Latins were defeated, the Grand 
Masters of the Temple and St. John slain, the three 
military Orders nearly exterminated, and the Sultaun 
of Emissa forced to fly for shelter to his fortifica- 
tions. Walter de Brienne, the lord of Jaffa, was 
taken ; and to force that town to surrender, the Co- 
rasmins hung the gallant knight by the arms to a 
cross, declaring to the garrison that he should there 

1 Joinville; Matthew Paris ; Bernard in Martenne. 

2 Joinville ; Matthew Paris ; Epist. Fred. Imper 

3 Ducange ; Joinville : Bernard, 



HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 301 

remain till the city was yielded. Walter heard, and 
raising his voice, unmindful of his own agonies, so- 
lemnly commanded his soldiers to hold out the city 
to the last.' The barbarians were obliged to retire, 
and Walter was sent captive into Egypt. 

The Sultaun of Emissa soon raised the standard a 
second time against the barbarians and after several 
struggles, in which the monarch of Egypt sometimes 
upheld, and sometimes abandoned the Corasmins, 
they were at length entirely defeated, and not one, 
it is said, escaped from the field of battle.^ Barba- 
quan, their leader, was slain; and thus Asia was de- 
livered of one of the most terrible scourges that had 
ever been inflicted on her. 

At this time a monarch reigned over France who 
combined in a remarkable degree the high talents of 
his grandfather Philip Augustus with the religious 
zeal or, peihaps I may say, fanaticism of his father, 
Louis VIII. Louis IX. was in every respect an ex- 
traordinary man ; he was a great warrior, chivalrous 
as an individual, and skilful as a general : he was a 
great king, inasmuch as he sought the welfare of his 
people more than the aggrandizement of his territo- 
ries: he formed the best laws that could be adapted 
to the time, administered them often in person, and 
observed them always himself: he was a good man, 
inasmuch as he served God with his whole heart, and 
strove in all his communion with his fellows to do 
his duty according to his sense of obligation. Had 
he been touched with religious fen^our to the amount 

1 Bernard ; Joinrille. Matthew Paris. 

2 The whole of these events are extremely obscure in history. I have 
followed Joiiiville more than any other author, because I find his accounC 
more clear and satisfactory. Durnnge's valuable notes have greatly 
aided me ; but even that indefatigable investigator has not been able to 
arrive at precise certainty. The accounts in Matthew Pans do not well 
harmonize with those of persons who had more immediate means of in- 
formition. Vincent of Beauvais states, that the Corasmins were finally 
exterminated, not in a battle, but in separate bodies by the peasantry 
Their whole number seems to have been about twenty thousand meo. 
Bernard the Treasurer, in Marteaue, corroborates the statement of Via- 
cent of Beauvais. 

Cc 



302 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 

of zeal, but not to the amount of fanaticism, he 
would have been perhaps too superior to his age. 
Previous to the news of the Corasminian irruption, 
St. Louis had determined to visit the Holy Land, in 
consequence of a vow made daring sickness.' It 
appears, that after the signal defeat which he had 
given to Henry HL of England at Saintonge, Louis's 
whole attention was turned to the sutTerings of the 
Christians in Palestine ; and so deeply was his mind 
impressed with that anxious thought, that it became 
the subject of dreams, which he looked upon as insti- 
gations from heaven. The news of the destruction 
of the Christians by the barbarians, the well-known 
quarrels and rivalry of the two military Orders, and 
the persuasions of Innocent IV., who then held the 
thirteenth oecumenical council at Lyons, all hastened 
Louis's preparations. William Longsword and a 
great many English crusaders^ joined the French mo- 
narch from Great Britain ; and after three years' care- 
ful attention to the safety of his kingdom, the provi- 
sion of supplies, and the concentration of his forces, 
Louis, with his two brothers, the Counts of Artois 
and Anjou, took the scrip and staff, and set sail for 
Cyprus. The third brother of the king, Alphonso, 
Count of Poitiers, remained to collect the rest of the 
crusaders, and followed shortly after.^ The queen- 
consort of France, and several other ladies of high 
note, accompanied the monarch to the Holy Land.* 
At Cyprus, Louis spent eight mouths in healing the 
divisions of the military Orders, and endeavouring to 
bring about that degree of unity which liad been un- 
known to any of the crusades. At length, early in 
the spring, he set sail from Cyprus with an army of 
fifty thousand chosen men. A tremendous storm 
separated the king's fleet, and, supported by but a 
small part of liis troops he arrived at Damietta, where 

1 .Toinville; Bernard in Martenne; Ouillaume Ouiart. 

2 Matthew Paris ; .Toinville. 3 Joinville. 
* Guillaume Guiart ; Joinville. 



HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 303 

the Sultaun of E^^pt, with his whole forne, was 
drawn up to oppose the landing of the Christians. 
The snltaun himself was seen in golden armour, 
which shone, Joinville says, like the sun itself; and 
so great was the noise of drums and trumpets that 
the French M'ere almost deafened by the sound. 
After some discussion, it was determined that the 
landing should be attempted without waiting for the 
rest of the army. Among the first who reached the 
shore M'as Joinville, Seneschal of Champagne, who, 
accompanied by another baron, and their men-at- 
arms, landed in the face of an immense body of Turk- 
ish cavalry, that instantly spurred forward against 
them. The French planted their large shields' in the 
sand, with their lances resting on the rim, so that a 
complete chevaux-de-frise was raised, from which 
the Turks turned off without venturing an assault. 
St. Louis himself soon followed, and in his chival- 
rous impatience to land, sprang into the water up to 
his shoulders, and, sword in hand, rushed on to 
charge the Saracens. 

Intimidated at the bold actions of the French, the 
Moslems fled from the beach ; and as the crusaders 
advanced, the unexpected news of the death of their 
sultaun reached the Saracens, upon which they 
abandoned even the city of Damietta itself, without 
waiting to destroy the bridge, though they set fire to 
the bazaars.2 

At Damietta Louis paused for the arrival of his 
brother, the Count of Poitiers, and the rest of the 
forces; and here, with the usual improvidence that 
marked all the crusades, the army gave itself up to 
luxury and debaucherv', which the king neither by 
laws nor example could check. At length the rein- 
forcements appeared, and Louis, leaving the queen at 
Damietta, marched on towards Cairo ; but near Mas- 
HiuTS. he found his advance impeded by the Thanisian 

' Joinville ; Branche des royaux Lignages. 2 Joinville, ^ 



304 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 

canal, on the other side of which the Saracens were 
drawn up to oppose his progress under the command 
of the celebrated Emir Ceccidun. No other means 
of passing the canal seemed practicable, but by- 
throwing a causeway across. This was accordingly 
commenced, under cover of two high moveable 
towers, called chats chatiels, or cat-castles, which 
were scarcely raised before they were burnt by quan- 
tities of Greek fire, thrown from the pierriers and 
mangonels. 

At length an Arabian peasant agreed, for a large 
bribe, to point out a ford. The Count of Artois, with 
fourteen hundred knights, was directed to attempt it. 
He succeeded, repulsed the Saracens on the banks, 
and pursued them to Massoura. The panic among 
the Moslems was general, and Massoura m as nearly 
deserted. The more experienced and prudent knights 
of all classes advised the Count of Artois to pause for 
the arrival of the king and the rest of the army. The 
Count, with passionate eagerness, accused his good 
counsellors of cowardice. Chivalrous honour thus 
assailed forgot reason and moderation; each one 
more ardently than another advanced into Massoura: 
the Moslems, recovered from their fear, returned in 
great numbers ; the fight began in earnest, and al- 
most the whole of the impnident advance-guard of 
the Christians was cut to pieces. The Count of Ar- 
tois fell among the first ;' and when Louis himself 
arrived, all was dismay and confusion. The battle 
was now renewed with redoubled vigour; Louis 
fought in every part of the strife, and the French and 
Saracens seemed emulous of each other in the paths 
of glory and destruction. The sun went down over 
the field of Massoura, leaving neither army assuredly 
the viciors ; but the Saracens had been repulsed, and 
Louis remained master of the plain. 

Sickness and famine soon began to rage in the 

I Joinville ; Guillaume Guiart ; Ducange. 



HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 305 

Christian oamp. The Moslems had now interrupted 
the conmiunication with Damietta ; and eveiy soldier 
in the army was enfeebled by disease. Nerjotiations 
were begun for peace ; but were broken off, because 
thesultaun would receive no hostage for the evacua- 
tion of Damietta but Louis himself; and it was de- 
termined to attempt a retreat. Many strove to escape 
by the river, but were taken in the attempt; and the 
host itself was incessantly subject to the attacks of 
the Saracens, who hung- upon its rear during- the 
whole march, cutting- off every party that was de- 
tached, even to procure the necessaries of life. In 
this dreadful state Louis long continued to struggle 
against sickness, fighting ever where danger was 
most imminent, and bearing up when the hardiest 
soldiers of his army failed. At length he could hardly 
sit his horse ; and in the confusion of the fliglit — 
which was now the character of the retreat — he was 
separated from his own servants, and attended only 
by the noble Geoffroy de Sergines, who defended 
him against all the attacks of the enemy. He was led 
to a hut at the village of Cazel, where he lay, ex- 
pecting every moment that the plague would accom- 
plish its work. He was thus taken by the Saracens,' 
■who assisted in his recovery and treated him with 
honour. The greater part of the army fell into the 
Moslems' power, but an immense numijer were slain 
and. drowned in attempting their escape. 

Several dithculties now arose with regard to the 
ransom of the king; the Saracens demanding the 
cession of various parts of Palestine still in the 
hands of the Christians. This, however, Louis re- 
fused ; and conducted himself in prison with so much 
boldness, that the sultaun declared he was the proud- 
est infidel he had ever beheld. To humble him to 
his wishes, the torture of the berniclcs was threat- 
ened ;^ but the monarch remained so unmoved, that 

» Joioville; Ducange,, Guillaume Guiart. 2 See note XIL 

Cc2 



306 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 

his enfrancliisement was at last panted on other 
terms. Ten thousand golden besants were to be paid 
for the freedom of the army ; the city of Damietta 
was to be restored to tlie Saracens, and a peace of 
ten years was concluded. During- the interval which 
followed these an^angements, the sultaun was assas- 
sinated, and the fate of St. Louis was again doubtful; 
but the murderers agreed to the same terms which 
had been before stipulated. Nevertheless, some acts 
of cruelty were committed ; and a great number of 
the sick were massacred at Damietta. The treasure 
which the king possessed on the spot not being suf- 
ficient to furnish the wliole ransom, his friends were 
obliged to seize upon the wealth of the Grand Master 
of the Temple, who basely refused to lend a portion 
to redeem his fellow-christians. At length the first 
part of tlie sum was paid ; tlie gieat body of the foreign 
nobles who had joined in the crusade returned to Eu- 
rope, and Louis himself retired to Acre. The Sara- 
cens had already broken the treaty with Louis by the 
murder of the sick at Damietta, and by the detention 
of several knights and soldiers, as well as a large 
body of Christian children. The promise of peace, 
therefore, was not imperative ; and the Sultaun of 
Damascus eagerly courted the French king to aid 
him in his efforts against the people of Eg}'pt.' The 
news of this negotiation immediately brought depu- 
ties from Egypt, who submitted to the terms which 
Louis thought fit to propose ; and that monarch, with- 
out mingling in the wars that raged between the 
two Moslem countries, only took advantage of them 
to repair the fortifications of Jaffa and Cesarea. Af- 
ter having spent two years in putting the portion of 
Palestine that yet remained to the Latins^ into a defen- 
sible state, he set sail for France, where his presence 
was absolutely required. 
Before proceeding to trace the after-fate of the 

iDucange; Joinville; Guillaume Guiart. ^ A.D. 1254. 



HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 307 

Holy Land,' it may be as well to conduct St. Louis 
to his last crusade. Sixteen years after his return 
to Europe, that monarch once more determined on 
Tearing the banner of the Cross. Immense numbers 
flocked to join him, and England appeared Avilling to 
-second all the efforts of the French king. Edward, 
the heir of the English monarchy, assumed the Cross; 
and large sums were raised throughout Britain for 
defraying the expenses of the war. 

In 1270, St. Louis, accompanied by the flower of 
his national nobility, and followed by sixty thousand 
chosen troops, set sail for Palestine, but was driven 
by a storm nito Sardinia. Here a change in his plans 
took place ; and it was resolved that the army should 
land in Africa, where the King of Tunis some time 
before had professed himself favourable to the Chris- 
tian religion. St. Louis had been long so weak, that 
he could not bear the weight of his armour,^ nor the 
motion of a horse, for any length of time ; but still 
his indefatigable zeal sustained him; and after a 
short passage, he arrived on the coast of Africa, op- 
posite to the city of Carthage. 

Although his coming had been so suddenly re- 
solved,^ a large Mahommedan force was drawn up to 
oppose his landing ; but the French knights forced 
their way to the shore, and after a severe contest, 
obtained a complete victory over the Moors. Siege 
was then laid to ('arthage, which was also taken; but 
before these conquests could be turned to any advan- 
tage, an infectious flux began to appear in the army. 
St. Louis was one of the first attacked. His en- 
feebled constitution was not able to support the ef- 
fects of the disease, and it soon became evident that 
the monarch's days were rapidly drawing to their 
close. In this situation, with the most perfect con- 
sciousness of his approaching fate, St. Louis called 
his son Phihp,* and spoke long to him on his duty Us 

1 A. D. 1270 a Joinville. 3 Guillaume Guiart. * Joinville 



308 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 

the people he left to his charge ; teaching him with 
the beautiful simplicity of true wisdom. The king 
then withdrew his thoughts from all earthly things, 
performed the last rites of his religion, and yielded 
his soul to God.' 

Scarcely was the monarch dead, when Charles of 
Sicily arrived with large reinforcements, and unknow- 
ing the event, approached Carthage with martial mu- 
sic, and every sign of rejoicing. His joy was soon 
turned into grief by the tidings of his brother's fate ;^ 
and the courage of the Moors being raised by the 
sorrow of their enemies, the united armies of 
France and Sicily were attacked by a very superioi 
power. 

After a variety of engagements, Philip, now King 
of France, and Charles, of Sicily, compelled the de- 
feated Moors to sue for peace; and collecting his 
troops, the new monarch returned to Europe, driven 
from the coast rather by the pestilence that raged in 
his army,^ than by the efforts of the infidels. 

Prince Edward of England had taken the Cross, as 
I have already said, with the intention of following 
Louis IX. to the Holy Land ; and with the small force 
he could collect, amounting to not more than fifteen 
hundred men, he arrived in the Mediterranean, but 
hearing that Louis had turned from the direct object 
of the crusade, he proceeded to Sicily, where he 
passed the winter. 

As soon as spring rendered navigation possible, he 
set sail, and arrived at Acre, where he found the state 
of Palestine infinitely worse than it had been since 
the first taking of Jerusalem. 

Disunion and violence had done far more to destroy 
the Christians of the Holy Land than the swords of 
the infidels. The two military Orders had been con- 
stantly opposed to each other, and had often been 

1 Braiiche des royaux et Lignages ; Sermon de Robert de Sainceteaux. 

2 Charles, King of Sicily, was brother to St. Louis. 

3 GuillaumeGuiart; William of Nangis. 



HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 309 

engaged in sanguinary warfare. The knights of St. 
John had ever the advantage ; and at one time tlie 
Templars of Palestine had nearly been exterminated. 
The clergy attempted to encroach upon the privileges 
of both. The different Italian republics, who had 
secured to themselves various portions of territory, 
and various commercial immunities, were in contin- 
ual warfare; and while the Saracens and the Mame- 
lukes were gradually taking possession of the whole 
soil — while the fortresses of Cesarea, Jaffa, and 
Saphoury fell into the hands of the infidels, as well 
as airthe cities and feoffs of the Latins, except Acre 
and Tyre — the sands of Palestine were often wet 
with Christian blood, shed by the hands of Chris- 
tians. Antioch also fell almost without resistance, 
and the citizens were either doomed to death or led 
into captivity. 

Such was the state of the Holy Land at the time 
of Prince Edward's arrival. His name, however, 
was a host ; the disunion among the Christians was 
healed by his coming ;' every exertion was made to 
render his efforts effectual ; and he soon found him- 
self at the head of a small but veteran force, 
amounting to seven thousand men. With this he 
advanced upon Nazareth, and after a severe conflict 
with the Moslems, he made himself master of that 
rity, in which all the Saracens that remained were 
slaughtered without mercy. The climate put a stop 
to his successes. It was now the middle of summer, 
and the excessive heat brought on a fever, from 
which Edward was recovering, when a strange mes- 
senger desired to render some despatches to the 
prince's own hand. He was admitted ; and as the 
young leader lay in his bed, without any attendants, 
he delivered the letters, and for a moment spoke to 
him of the affairs of Jaffa. The instant after, he 
drew a dagger from his belt, and before Edward was 

X Ilemingford ; Langtoft ; RJatihew Paris, continuation. 



310 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 

aware, had stabbed him in the chest. The prince 
was enfeebled, but was still sufficiently vigorous to 
wrench the weapon from the assassin, and to put 
him to death with his own hand. His attendants, 
alarmed by the struggle, rushed into the apartment, 
and found Edward bleeding from the wound inflicted 
by a poisoned knife. Skilful means' were instantly 
used to preserve his life ;2 and an antidote, sent by the 
Grand Master of the Temple, is said to have ob- 
viated the effects of the poison. Edward's natural 
vigour, with care, soon restored him to health ; and 
the Sultaun of Egypt, daunted by the courage and 
ability of the English prince, and engaged in ruinous 
wars in other directions, offered peace on advanta- 
geous conditions, which were accepted. Edwaid 
and his followers returned to Europe, and the Chris- 
tians of Palestine were left to take advantage of a 
ten years' truce. 

Such was the end of the last expedition. In 1274, 
Gregory X., who had himself witnessed the sorrov/s 
of Palestine, attempted to promote a new crusade, 
and held a council for that purpose at Lyons, where 
many great and noble personages assumed the Cross. 
The death of the Pope followed shortly afterward, 
and the project was abandoned, on the loss of him 
who had given it birth. In Palestine, all now tended 
to the utter expulsion of the Christians. The La- 
tins themselves first madly broke the truce, by plun- 
dering some Egyptian merchants near Margat. 
Keladun, then Sultaun of Cairo, hastened to revenge 
the injury, and Margat was taken from the Chris- 
tians, after a gallant defence.^ Tripoli, which had 
hitherto escaped by various concessions to the Mos- 
lems, fell shortly after Margat ; and in the third year 

1 The popular version of this story ir>, that Eleoiiora, the wife of the 
prince, who had accompanied him to Palestine, sucked the poison from 
the wound, at the risk of her own life. Camden sanctions this account. 

2 Hemingford ; Langtoft. 

a Villani; Vet. Script.; Bernard, old French. 



HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 311 

from that period, two hundred thousand Mahommed- 
ans were under the walls of Acre, the last possession 
of the Christians. The Grand Master of St. John 
had collected together a small body of Italian mer- 
cenaries, but no serviceable support could be won 
from the kings of Europe. 

The Grand Master' of the Temple, however, with 
the rest of the military Orders, and about twelve 
thousand men, being joined by the King of Cyprus, 
resolved to undergo a siege. The greater part of 
the useless inhabitants were sent away by sea, and 
the garrison prepared to defend themselves to the 
last. This was the final blaze of chivalric valour 
that shone on the Holy Land. The numbers of the 
Moslems were overpowering, and after a breach had 
been made in the Myalls by the fall of what was called 
the Cursed Tower, a general assault took place. The 
King of Cyprus made a dastardly flight, but the 
Templars and the Teutonic knights died where they 
stood, and the Hospitallers only left the city to attack 
the rear of the besieging army. Here they met with 
infinite odds against them, and fell man by man, till 
the news came that the Grand Master of the Temple 
was killed and that the city was taken. The Hospi- 
tallers then, reduced to seven in number, reached a 
ship, and quitted the shores of Palestine. About an 
equal number of Templars fled to the interior, and 
thence fought their way through the land, till they 
gained the means of reaching Cyprus. The inhabit- 
ants of the city who had not before departed fled 
to the sea f but the elements themselves seemed to 
war against them, and ere they could escape, the 
Saracen sword died the sands with their blood. The 
Moslems then set fire to the devoted town, and the 
last vestige of the Christian power in Syria was 
swept from the face of the earth. 

I Martenne ; Villanl, 2 Martenne, Vet. Script. ; Villani ; Sanatus 



313 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 



CHAPTER XV. 

Tate of the Orders of the Temple and St. John — The Templars abandon 
all Hopes of recovering Jerusalem — Mingle in European Politics-^ 
Offend Philip the Fair — Are persecuted — Charges against them — The 
Order destroyed — The Knights of St. John pursue the Purpose of de- 
fending Christendom — Settle in Rhodes— Siege of Rhoaes — Gallant 
Defence — The Island taken— TTie Knights remove to Malta — Siege of 
Malta — La Valette— Defence of St. Elmo— Gallantry of the Garrison^ 
The whole Turkish Army attempt to storm the Castle— The Attack re- 
pelled — Arrival of Succour — The Siege raised — The Progress of .Chi 
valry independent of the Crusades — Chivalrous Exploits — Beneficial 
Tendency of Chivalry— Corruption of the Age not attributable to Chi' 
valry — Decline of the Institution — In Germany, England, Fi-ance — 
Its Extinction. 

From the period of the fall of Acre crusades were 
only spoken of; but the spirit of Chivalry was per- 
haps not the less active, though it had taken another 
course : nor did it lose in purity by being directed, 
moderated, and deprived of the ferocity which always 
follows fanaticism. The Holy Land had become a 
place of vice and debauchery, as well as a theatre 
for the display of great deeds and noble resolution ; 
and we find, that however orderly and regular any 
army was on its departure from Europe, it soon ac- 
quired all the habits of immorality and improvidence 
which seemed some inherent quality of that unhappy 
climate. This was peculiarly apparent in the two 
Orders of the Hospital and the Temple, the rules of 
which were particularly calculated to guard against 
luxury of eveiy kind ; yet, the one, till its extinction, 
and both, during their sojourn in Palestine, were the 
receptacle of more depravity and crimes than per- 
haps any other body of men could produce. After 
the capture of Acre the knights of these two Orders 
retreated to Cyprus; and when some ineffectual 
efforts had been made to excite a new crusade for 
the recovery of Palestine, the Templars retired from. 



HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 313 

that country, and, spreading themselves throughout 
their vast possessions in Europe, seem really to have 
abandoned all thought of fighting any more for the 
sepulchre. With the rest of Europe they spoke 
of fresh expeditions, it is true ; but in the meanwhile 
they gave themselves up to the luxury, pride, and 
ambition which, if it was not the real cause of their 
downfall, at least furnished the excuse. Philip the 
Fair of France, on his accession to the throne, 
showed great favour to the Templars,' and held out 
hopes that he would attempt to establish the Order 
once more in the land wliich had given it birth. But 
the Templars were now deeply occupied in the poli- 
tics of Europe itself: tlieir haughty Grand Master was 
almost equal to a king in power, and would fain have 
made kings his slaves. In the disputes between Philip 
and Boniface VIII., the Templars took the part of the 
Pope, and treated the monarch, in his own realm, wuth 
insolent contempt ; but they knew not the character 
of him whose wrath they roused. Philip was at 
once vindictive and avaricious, and the destruction 
of the Templars offered the gratification of both pas- 
sions : he was also calm, bold, cunning, and remorse- 
less; and from the vengeance of such a man it was 
difficult to escape. The vices of the Templars were 
notorious,^ and on these it was easy to graft crimes 
of a deeper die. Reports, rumours, accusations, 
circulated rapidly through Europe ; and Philip, re- 
solved upon crushing the unhappy Order, took care 
that on the very first vacancy his creature, Bertrand 

1 Raynouard. 

2 For the histor}- of the Templars, see Raynouard and Du Puy, Vertot, 
William of Nangis, Historia Templariorum, &c. Almost all the modern 
writers are more or less in favour of the Templars, while every contem- 
porary authority condemns them. As to Mills's assertion, that they were 
loyal and virtuous, it is perfectly untenable. All the historians of the 
Holy Land, many of whom died while the Templars were at the height 
of their power, declare that they were a corrupt, proud, perfidious body. 
Mills himself shows that such was the opinion entertained of them by 
the Saracens; and all the general letters of the popes accuse them of 
manifold vices and depravities. 



314 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 

de Got, Archbishop of Bourdeaux,' should be elevated 
to the papal throne. Before he suffered the ambi- 
tious prelate to be elected, he bound him to grant 
five conditions, four of which were explained to him 
previously, but the fifth was to be kept in secrecy till 
after his elevation. Bertrand pledged himself to all 
these terms ; and as soon as he had received the 
triple crown, was informed that the last dreadful 
condition was the destruction of the Order of the 
Temple. He hesitated, but was forced to consent; 
and after various stratagems to inveigle all the prin- 
cipal Templars into France, Philip caused them sud- 
denly to be arrested throughout his dominions,^ and 
had them arraigned of idolatry, immorality, extor- 
tion, and treason, together with crimes whose very 
name must not soil this page. Mixed with a multi- 
tude of charges, both false and absurd, were various 
others too notorious to be confuted by the body, and 
many which could be proved against individuals. 
Several members of the Order confessed some of the 
crimes laid to their charge, and many more were 
afterward induced to do so by torture ; but at a 
subsequent period of the trial, when the whole of the 
papal authority was used to give the proceeding the 
character of a regular legal inquisition, a number of 
individuals confessed, on the promise of pardon, 
different offences, sufficient to justify rigorous pu- 
nishment against themselves, and to implicate deeply 
the institution to which they belonged. James de 
MoUay, however, the Grand Master, firmly denied 
eveiy charge, and defended himself and his brethren 
with a calm and dignified resolution that nothing 
could shake. 

It would be useless as well as painful to dwell 
upon all the particulars of their trial, where space is 
not allowed to investigate minutely the facts : it is 
sufficient to say, that the great body of the Templars 

1 Vertot. i Will, of Naiigis, 



HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 315 

in France were sentenced to be imprisoned for life, 
and a multitude were burned at the stake, where 
they showed that heroic firmness which they had 
ever evinced in the field of battle. Their large pos- 
sessions were of course confiscated. In Spain, their 
aid against the Moors was too necessary to permit 
of similar rigour, and they were generally acquitted 
in that country. In England, the same persecutions 
were carried on, but with somewhat of a milder 
course : and the last blow was put to the whole by a 
council held at Vienne, which formally dissolved the 
Order, and transferred its estates to the Hospitallers. 
James de Mollay and the Grand Prior of France 
were the last victims, and were publicly burned in 
Paris for crimes that beyond doubt they did not 
commit. To suppose that the Templars were guilty 
of the specific oifences attributed to them would be 
to suppose them a congregation of madmen ; but to 
believe they were a religious or a virtuous Order 
would be to charge all Europe with a general and 
purposeless conspiracy. 

In the mean while, the Knights Hospitallers con- 
fined themselves to the objects for which they were 
originally instituted; and, that they might always 
be prepared to fight against the enemies of Christen- 
dom, they obtained a cession of the island of Rhodes, 
from which they expelled the Turks. Here they 
continued for many years, a stumblingblock in the 
way of Moslem conquest ; but at length, the chan- 
cellor of the Order, named d'Amaral,' disappointed 
of the dignity of Grand Master, in revenge, it is said, 
invited the Turks to the siege, and gave them the 
plan of the island with its fortifications. Soliman II. 
instantly led an army against it ; but the gallant 
knights resisted with a determined courage, that 
drove the imperious sultaun almost to madness. He 
commanded his celebrated general, Mustapha, to be 

J Vertot, 



316 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 

slain with arrows,' attributing- to him the misfortune 
of the siege; and at length had begun to withdraw 
his forces, when a more favourable point of attack 
was discovered, and the knights were ultimately 
obliged to capitulate. The city of Rhodes was by 
this time reduced to a mere heap of stones, and at 
one period of the siege, the Grand Master himself 
remained thirty-four days in the trenches, without 
ever sitting down to food, or taking repose, but such 
as he could gain upon an uncovered mattress at the 
foot of the wall. So noble a defence well merited 
an honourable fate ; and even after their surrender, 
the knights were the objects of admiration and praise 
to all Europe, though Europe had suffered them to 
fall without aid. The sultaun, before he allowed 
the Order to transfer itself to Oandia, which had 
been stipulated by the treaty, requested to see the 
Grand Master : and to console him for his loss, he 
said, " The conquest and the fall of empires are but 
the sports of fortune." He then strove to win the 
gallant knight who had so well defended his post to 
the Ottoman service, holding out to him the most 
magnificent offers, and showing what little cause he 
had to remain attached to the Christians,^ who had 
abandoned him ; but Villiers replied, that he thanked 
him for his generous proposals, yet that he should 
be unworthy of such a prince's good opinion if he 
could accept them. 

Before the Order of St. John could fix upon any 
determinate plan of proceeding, it was more than 
once threatened with a complete separation, by 
various divisions in its councils. 

At length motives, partly political, partly generous, 
induced the emperor Charles V. to offer the island 
of Malta to the Hospitallers. This proposal was 
soon accepted,^ and after various negotiations t^f*. 

! He was afterward pardoned when the sultaun's wrath had abated ; 
but Soliman would never see him more. 
2 Vertot. 3 Watson; Vertot ; Nic. Villagagnon. 



HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 317 

territory was delivered up to the knights, who took 
full possession on the 26th of October, 1530. Thirty- 
five years had scarcely passed, when the Order of 
St. John, which was now known by the name of the 
Order of Malta, was assailed in its new possession 
by an army composed of thirty thousand veteran 
Turkish soldiers. The news of this armament's 
approach had long before reached the island, and 
every preparation had been made to render its efforts 
ineffectual. The whole of the open country was 
soon in the hands of the Turks, and they resolved 
to begin the siege by the attack of a small fort, situ- 
ated at the end of a tongue of land which separated 
the two ports. The safety of the island and the 
Order depended upon the castle of St. Elmo — a fact 
which the Turkish admiral well knew, and the can- 
nonade that he soon opened upon the fortress was 
tremendous and incessant. The knights who had 
been thrown into that post soon began to demand 
succour; but the Grand Master, La Valette, treated 
their request with indignation, and speedily sent 
fresh troops to take the place of those whom fear had 
rendered weak. 

A noble emulation reigned among the Hospitallers, 
and they contended only which should fly to the 
perilous service. A sortie was made from the fort, 
and the Turks were driven back from their position ; 
but the forces of the Moslems were soon increased 
by the arrival of the famous Dragut ; and the succour 
which the viceroy of Sicily had promised to the 
knights did not appear. After the coming of Dragut, 
the siege of St. Elmo was pressed with redoubled 
ardour. A ravelin was surprised, and a lodgment 
effected ; and the cavalier, which formed one of the 
principal fortifications, had nearly been taken. Day 
after day, night after night, new efforts were made 
on either part ; and the cannon of the Turks never 
ceased to play upon the walls of the fort, while, al 
Dd2 



318 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY 

the same time, the ravehn which they had captured 
was gradually raised till it overtopped the parapet. 
The whole of the outer defences were now exposed : 
the garrison could only advance by means of trenches 
and a subterranean approach ; and to cut off even 
these communications with the parapet, the pacha 
threw across a bridge from the ravelin, covering it 
with earth to defend it from fire. 

After this, the mine and the sap both went on at 
once ; but the hardness of the rock was in favour of 
the besieged, and by a sortie the bridge was burnt.i 
[n a wonderfully short time it was reconstructed; 
and the terrible fire from the Turkish lines not only 
swept away hundreds of the besieged, but ruined the 
defences and dismounted the artillery. In this state 
the knights sent a messenger to the Grand Master, 
representing their situation, showing that the recruits 
they received only drained the garrison of the town, 
without protracting the resistance of a place that 
could stand no longer, and threatening to cut their 
way through the enemy, if boats did not come to 
take them ofl'. La Valette knew too well their situa- 
tion; but he knew also, that if St. Elmo were aban- 
doned, the viceroy of Sicily would never sail to the 
relief of Malta ; and he sent three commissioners to 
examine the state of the fort, and to persuade the 
garrison to hold out to the last. Two of these offi- 
cers saw that the place was truly untenable, but the 
third declared it might still be maintained ; and, on 
his return, offered to throw himself into it with what 
volunteers he could raise. La Valette instantly ac- 
cepted the proposal, and wrote a cold and bitter note 
to the refractory knights in St. Elmo, telling them 
that others were willing to take their place. "Come 
back, my brethren," he said, " you will be here more 
in safety ; and, on our part, we shall feel more tran- 

i Vertot ; Com. de Bel. Mel. 



HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 319 

qml concerning' the defence of St. Elmo, on the pre- 
servation of which depends the safety of the island 
and of the Order." 

Sliame rose in the bosom of the knig-lits ; and, 
mortified at the very idea of having- proposed to yield 
a place that others were willing to maintain, they 
now sent to implore permission to stay. 

La Valette well knew, from the first, that such 
would be their conduct; but, before gi-anting- their 
request, he replied, that he ever preferred new troops 
who were obedient, to veterans who took upon them- 
selves to resist the will of their commanders : and it 
was only on the most humble apologies and en- 
treaties that he allowed them, as a favour, to remain 
in the post of peril. From the 17th of June to the 
14th of July, this little fort' had held out against all 
the efforts of the Turkish army, whose loss had been 
already immense. Enraged at so obstinate a resist- 
ance, the pacha now determined to attack the rock 
on which it stood, with all his forces ; and the Grand 
Master, perceiving the design by the Turkish move- 
ments, took care to send full supplies to the garrison. 
Among other things thus received were a number of 
hoops covered with tow, and imbued with every sort 
of inflammable matter. For the two days preceding 
the assault, the cannon of the Turkish fleet and camp 
kept up an incessant fire upon the place, which left 
not a vestige of the fortifications above the surface 
of the rock. On the third morning tlie Turks rushed 
over the fosse which they had nearly filled, and at 
the given signal mounted to storm. The walls of 
the place were gone, but a living wall of veteran 
soldiers presented itself, each knight being supported 
by three inferior men. With dauntless valour the 
Turks threw themselves upon the pikes that opposed 
them ; and after the lances had been shivered and 
the swords broken, they were seen struggling with 

1 Vertol ; Com. de Bel Mel • Nic. Villag. ; Watson. 



320 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 

their adversaries, and striving to end the contest with 
the dagger. A terrible fire of musketry and artillery 
was kept up ; and the Christians, on their part, hurled 
down upon the swarms of Turks that rushed in un- 
ceasing multitudes from below the flaming hoops, 
which sometimes linking two or three of the enemy 
together, set fire to the light and floating dresses of 
the east, and enveloped many in a horrible death. 
Still, however, the Turks rushed on, thousands after 
thousands, and still the gallant little band of Chris- 
tians repelled all their efforts, and maintained posses- 
sion of the height. 

From the walls of the town, and from the castle 
of St. Angelo, the dreadful struggle for St. Elmo was 
clearly beheld ; and the Christian people and the 
knights, watching the wavering current of the fight, 
felt perhaps more painfully all the anxious horror of 
the scene, than those whose whole thoughts and 
feelings were occupied in the actual combat. La 
Valette himself stood on the walls of vSt. Angelo, 
not spending his time in useless anticipations, but 
scanning eagerly every motion of the enemy, and 
turning the artillery of the fortress in that direction 
where it might prove of the most immediate benefit. 
At length he beheld a body of Turks scaling a ram- 
part, from which the attention of the besieged had 
been called by a furious attack on the other side.' 
Their ladders were placed, and still the defenders of 
St. Elmo did not perceive them — they began their 
ascent. — they reached the top of the rampart — but at 
that moment the Grand Master opened a murderous 
fire upon tliem from the citadel, and swept them from 
the post they had gained. The cavalier was next 
attacked ; but here also the Turks were met by those 
destructive hoops of fire M'hich caused more dread in 
their ranks than all the other efl^orts of the Christians. 
Wherever they fell confusion followed; and at the 

1 Wat soil ; Vertot ; Corn ^]f>, R«i ATeJ 



HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 321 

«nd of a tremendous fight of nine hours, the Moslems 
were obhged to sound a retreat. 

A change of operations now took place ; means 
were used to cut off the communication with the 
town ; and, after holding out some time longer, the 
fort of St. Elmo was taken, the last knight of its 
noble garrison dying in the breach. The whole 
force of the Turks was thenceforth turned towards 
the city ; and a slow but certain progress was made, 
notwithstanding all the efforts of the Grand Master 
and his devoted companions. In vain he wrote to 
the viceroy of Sicily ; no succour arrived for many 
days. The town was almost reduced to extremity. 
The bastion of St. Catherine Avas scaled, and re- 
mained some thne in the hands of the infidels, who 
would have maintained it longer, had not La V alette 
himself rushed to the spot ; and, after receiving a 
severe wound, succeeded in dislodging the assailants, 

A small succour came at length under the com- 
mand of Don Juan de Cardonna; but this was over- 
balanced by the junction of the viceroy of Algiers 
with the attacking force. The bulwark of all Chris- 
tendom was being swept away, while Christian kings 
stood looking on, and once more saw the knights of St. 
John falling man by man before the infidels, without 
stretching forth a hand to save them. 

A large army had, in the mean while, been assem- 
bled in Sicily, under the pretence of assisting Malta ; 
and at last the soldiers clamoured so loudly to be led 
to the glorious service for which they had been en- 
rolled, that the vacillating viceroy after innumerable 
delays was forced to yield to their wishes, and set 
sail for the scene of conflict.^ The island was 
reached in safety, the troops disembarked; and 
though the Turks still possessed the advantage of 
numbers, a panic seized them, and they fled. Joy 
and triumph succeeded to danger and dread, and the 

1 Vertot. 



322 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 

name of La Valette and his companions, remains 
embalmed among the memories of the noble and 
great. 

This was the last important event in the history 
of the Order of St. John ; and since that day, it has 
gradually descended to later years, blending itself 
with modern institutions till its distinctive character 
has been lost, and the knights of Malta are reckoned 
among the past. 

It does not seem necessary to trace the other 
military fraternities which originated in the crusades 
to their close; but something more must be said 
concerning the progress of Chivalry in Europe, and 
the effect that it had upon society in general. The 
Holy Wars were, indeed, the greatest efforts of 
knighthood ; but during the intervals between each 
expedition beyond the seas, and that which followed, 
and often during the time of preparation, 4he knight 
found plenty of occupation for his sword in his own 
country. The strife with the Moors in Spain bore 
entirely the aspect of the crusades, but the sangui- 
nary conflicts between France and England offered 
continual occasions both for the display of knightly 
valour and of knightly generosity. The bitterest 
national enmity existed between the two countries — 
they were ever engaged in struggHng against each 
other ; and yet we find, through the whole, that mu- 
tual courtesy when the battle was over, and in the 
times of truce that frank co-operation, or that rivalry 
in noble efforts, which belonged so peculiarly to 
Chivalry. Occasionally, it is true, a cruel and 
bloodthirsty warrior would stain his successes with 
ungenerous rigour — for where is the institution which 
has ever been powerful enough to root out the evil 
spot from the heart of man 1 But the great tone 
of all the wars of Chivalry was valour in the field 
and courtesy in the hall. Deeds were often done 
in the heat of blood which general barbaripui of 
manners alone would excuse ; and most of tha 



HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 323 

men whom we are inclined to love and to admire 
have left some blot on that page of history which 
records their lives. But to judge of tlie spirit of the 
Order, we must not look to those instances where 
the habits of the age mixed up a vast portion of evil 
with the general character of the knight, but we must 
turn our eyes upon those splendid examples where 
chivalrous feeling reached its height, did away all 
the savage cruelty of the time, and raised human 
actions almost to sublimity. 

Remarking these instances, and seeing what the 
spirit of Chivalry could produce in its perfection, we 
may judge what the society of that day would have 
been without it : we may trace truly the effect it had 
in civilizing the world, and we may comprehend the 
noble legacy it left to after-years. Had Chivalry 
not existed, all the vices which we behold in that 
period of the world's history would have been im- 
mensely increased ; for there would have been no 
counteracting incitement. The immorality of those 
times would have been a thousand degrees more 
gross, for passion would have wanted the only prin- 
ciple of refinement ; the ferocity of the brave would 
have shown itself in darker scenes of bloodshed, for 
no courtesy would have tempered it with gentleness. 
Even religion would have longer remained obscured, 
for the measures taken to darken it, by those whose 
interest it was to make it a means of rule, woidd 
have been but faintly opposed, had not Chivalry, by 
softening the manners of the age, and promoting 
general communication between man and man, grad- 
ually done away darkness and admitted light. 

Because knights were superstitious, it has been 
supposed that superstition was a part of knighthood; 
but this was not at all the case. The gross errors 
grafted by the Roman church on the pure doctrine 
of salvation often taught the knight cruelty, and 
disgraced Chivahy, by making it the means of per- 
secution ; but the tendency of the Order itself was 



324 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 

to purify and refine, and the civilization thereby given 
to the world in general ultimately produced its effect 
in doing away superstition. The libertinism of 
society in the middle ages has also been wrongly 
attributed to knighthood, and thus the most beneficial 
institutions are too often confounded with the vices 
that spring up around them. That the fundamental 
doctrine of Chivalry, if I may so express myself, 
was decidedly opposed to every infraction of mo- 
rality, is susceptible of proof. In all authors who 
have collected the precepts of Chivalry, we find so- 
briety and continence enjoined as among the first 
duties of a knight : and female chastity was so par- 
ticularly esteemed, that we are told by the Chevalier 
de la Tour, if a lady of doubtful virtue presented 
herself in company with the good, whatever were 
her rank, the knights would cause her to give place 
to those of unsullied fame. From every thing that 
I can read or hear, I am inclined to believe that the 
virtues of the kniglits of old arose in the Order of 
Chivalry alone, and that their faults belonged to the 
age in which they lived. ^ 

In common with all human institutions, Chivalry 
presents a new aspect in every page of the book of 
history. Sometimes it is severe and stern; some- 
times light and gay; but the qualities of valour, 
courtesy, and enthusiasm shine out at every period 
of its existence. 

At the battle of Crecy, Edward the Black Prince, 
then fourteen years of age, fought for his knightly 
spurs; and his father. King Edward III., from a 
mound near the mill, beheld his gallant son sur- 
rounded on every side by enemies. The companions 
of the young liero sent to the king for succour, 
alleging the dangerous situation of the Prince of 
Wales ; on which Edward denranded, " Is he dead, 
or overthrown, or so woiuided that he cannot con- 

I .loiiveiu'd ; Oalre «]« Chevaleric; Fabliaux do le Grand d'Aussi; 
Chevalier de la Tour ; Noics on Si. Palayo, 



HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 325 

tinue to fight ?" And on being informed that his son 
still lived, he added, " Return to him, and to those 
who sent you, and tell them, whatever happens, to 
seek no aid from me so long as my son be in life. 
Further say^ that I command them to let the boy 
well win his spurs ; for, please God, the day shall be 
his, and the honour shall rest with him."- 

In this instance, Edward required no more from his 
child than he was willing in his ovv^n person to en- 
dure. No one ever evinced more chivalrous courage 
than that monarch himself; and in the skirmish un- 
der the walls of Calais, he fought hand to hand with 
the famous De Ribaumont, who brought him twice 
upon his knee, but was at length vanquished by the 
king. After the battle, Edward entertained his pri- 
soners in the town ; and when supper was concluded 
the victorious monarch approached his adversary, 
took the chaplet of rich pearls from his own brow, 
placed it on the head of De Ribaumont, and said, 
" Sir Eustace, I give this wreath to you, as the best 
of this day's combatants, and I beg you to wear it a 
year for my love. I know that you are gay and gal- 
lant, and willingly find yourselves where ladies are. 
Tell them, then, wherever you may be, that I gave 
you this token ; and, moreover, I free you from your 
prison. Go to-morrow, if it please you."^ 

Such was the character of knighthood ; and 
whether we read anecdotes like the above, or trace 
in the rolls of history the feats of an Edward the 
Black Prince, of a Duguesclin, of a Talbot, a Henry, 
or a Bayard, we find the same spirit ; varied, indeed, 
according to the mind of the individual, but raising 
all his virtues to the highest pitch of perfection, and 
restraining all his faults as much as human errors 
can be restrained. 

It would be endless to detail all those marvels 
which Chivalry at various times eflfected ; nor have 

I Fro'ssart, chap. 290. 2 Ibid., chap. 329. 



326 HISTORY OF CHIVAJ.RY. 

I space to dwell upon Crecy, or Poitiers, or Agni- 
court. With respect to those g-reat battles, where 
England was so eminently triumphant, it is sufficient 
to point out the extraordinary fact, that though the 
glory rested with the British, no disgrace attached 
to their enemies. Each knight in the French armies 
did every thing that personal valour could do to win 
the field ; and the honour to England consists not so 
much in having conquered, as in having conquered 
such opponents. For long, liowever, it appears that 
the French commanders were inferior to the English 
in skill, and that their forces were destitute of that 
unity which alone secures success. At length, the 
son of a nobleman of Brittany, who had been much 
neglected in his early years, began to make head 
against the English. From his infancy Bertrand Du- 
guesclin had shown the most persevering passion 
for arms, which had been always repressed ; till at 
a tournament — from the neighbourhood of which he 
had been purposely sent away — he appeared in dis- 
guise, defeated all that encountered hhn, and was 
only discovered by refusing to meet his own father. 
From that liour Duguesclin rose in the estimation of 
the world ; and after opposing, with considerable 
success, Edward the Black Prince himself, on the 
death of that noble commander he delivered the 
greater part of France from the domination of the 
English. 

One of the favourite schemes of Duguesclin was 
to restore to Chivalry its ancient simplicity, and h« 
strove by every means to enforce the mere severe 
and salutary laws by which it had been originally 
governed. Of course, an institution which had vast 
privileges and obligations was not without rewards 
and punisliments ; and many of these were revived 
by Duguesclin after he had become Constable of 
France. 

The custom of cutting the tablecloth with a knife 
or dagger before a knight who had in any way de- 



HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. ' 327 

graded himself is said, by some, to have been broug-ht 
into use by Duguesclin, though others affirm that he 
only renewed an ancient habit. Much more severe 
inflictions, also, Avere destined for those who had 
dishonoured the Order to which they belonged by 
cowardice, treachery, or any other unmanly crime. 
The criminal, condemned to be stripped of his knight- 
hood, was placed upon a scaflfold, in the sight of the 
populace, while his annour was broken to pieces 
before his face. His shield reversed, with the coat- 
of-arins effaced, was dragged through the dirt, v.^hile 
the heralds proclaimed aloud his crimiC and his sen- 
tence. The king-at-arms then thrice demanded his 
name ; and at each time, when the pursuivant re- 
plied, the king added, "A faithless and disloyal 
traitor !" A basin^ of hot water was poured upon 
the culprit's head, to wash away the very memory 
of his knighthood ; and, being drawn on a hurdle to 
the church, he was covered with a pall, while the 
funeral prayers were pronounced over him, as one 
dead to honour and to fame. 

Notwithstanding every means taken to uphold it, 
Chivalry gradually declined from the beginning of 
the fourteenth century. In England the long civil 
wars between the houses of York and Lancaster 
called into action a tliousand principles opposed to 
knightly courtesy and generosity. Many flashes of 
the chivalrous spirit blazed up from time to time, it 
is true ; but the general character of those contentions 
was base and interested treachery on all parts. 

The mean and avaricious spirit which seized upon 
Henry VH. in his latter years of course had its effect 
on his court and country ; and the infamous extor- 
tions of his creatures Empson and Dudley, the ruin 
which they brought upon many of the nobility, and 
the disgust and terror which their tyranny spread 
through the land, served to check all those pageants 

i Alain Chartier-* Le Graod 2 l,a Colombiere Theatre. 



328 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 

and exercises which kept ahve the sinking flame of 
Chivalry. Henry VIIL, in the vigour of his youth, 
made vast efforts to give back to knighthood its an- 
cient splendour; but the spirit had been as much in- 
jured as the external form, and though he could re- 
new the one, he could not recall tlie other. The 
wavering tyranny of his old age also did more to 
extinguish the last sparks of knightly feeling, than 
his youth had done to revive the pomp of Chivalry. 
Then came the Reformation, and a new enthusiasm 
grew up through the land. 

In Germany the reign of the Emperor Maximilian 
was the last in which Chivalry can be said to have 
existed. Charles V. reduced all things to calculation, 
and though the name of knighthood remained, it soon 
became nothing but a sound. 

The land which had given birth to the institution 
cherished it long ; and there its efforts were conti- 
nually reawakened even in its decline. During the 
unhappy reign of Charles VI., France, torn by fac- 
tions, each struggling for the sceptre of the insane 
monarch, saw Chivalry employed for the purposes of 
ambition alone. While all parties turned their arms 
against their fellow-countrymen, a stranger seized on 
the power for which they fought, and the English 
house of Lancaster seated itself on the throne of 
France. Charles VII. succeeded to a heritage of 
wars ; but, apparently reckless, from the desperate 
state of his dominions, he yielded himself wholly to 
pleasure, without striking a blow for the recovery of 
his kingdom, till Joan of Arc recalled him to glory 
and himself. From that m.oment Chivalry again re- 
vived, and no period of French history presents 
knighthood under a brighter aspect than during the 
w^ars of Charles VII. At the same time, however, 
an institution was founded which soon changed the 
character of Chivalry, and in the end reduced it to a 
name. 

The inconveniences attached to the knightly mode 



HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 329 

of warfare were many and striking ; order and disci- 
pline were out of the question ; and though courage 
did much, Charles VII. saw that courage well di- 
rected would do infinitely more. To establish, there- 
fore, a body over which he might have some control, 
he raised a company of gen-cTarmerie, which soon by 
its courage and its success drew into its own rank 
all the great and noble of the kingdom. Thus came 
a great change over the Order; knights became mere 
soldiers, and Chivalry vv^as used as a machine. Louis 
XI. contributed still more to do away Chivalry, by 
depressing the nobility and founding a standing armj' 
of mercenary troops. Charles VIII. and Louis XII., 
by romantic wars in Italy, renewed ,the fire of the 
waning institution ; and Francis I., the most chival- 
rous of kings, beheld it blaze up under his reign like 
the last flash of an expiring flame. He, however 
unwittingly aided to extinguish it entirely, and by 
extending knighthood to civilians, deprived it of its 
original character. The pomps and pageants, the 
exercises and the games, which had accompanied 
the Order from its early days, were now^ less frequent : 
popes had censured them as vain and cruel, and 
many kings had discountenanced them as expensive 
and dangerous : but the death of Henry II., from a 
wound received at a tournament, put an end to them 
in France ; and from that tune all the external cere- 
monies of Chivalry were confined to the reception of 
a knight into any of the royal Orders. 

The distinctive spirit also had by this time greatly 
merged into other feelings. The valour was as much 
the quality of the simple soldier as of the knight ; 
the courtesy had spread to society in general, and 
had become politeness; the gallantly had lost its 
refinement, and had deteriorated into debaucheiy. 
Faint traces of the lost institution appeared from 
time to time, especially in the wars of Henry IV. 
and the League. The artful and vicious policy of 
Catherine de Medicis did much to destroy it ; the 
Ee2 



330 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 

filthy effeminacy of Henry III. weakened it, in com- 
mon with all noble feelings ; and the iron rod of 
Richeheu struck at it as a remnant of the feudal 
power. Still a bright blaze of its daring valour shone 
out in Conde, a touch of its noble simplicity appeared 
in Turenne, but the false brilliancy of Louis XIV. 
completed its downfall ; and Chivalry is only to be 
seen by its general effects on society. 

Thus things fleet by us ; and in reading of all the 
great and mighty deeds of which this book has given 
a slight and imperfect sketch, and looking on the 
multitudes of men who have toiled and struggled 
through dangers, difficulties, and horrors for the 
word GLORY, the empty echo of renown, or perhaps 
a worse reward, I rise as from a phantasmagoria 
where a world of strange and glittering figures have 
6een passing before my eyes, changing with the ra- 
pidity of light, and each leaving an impression foi 
memory, though the whole was but the shadow of a 
shade. 




NOTES. 



NOTE I. CHAP. I. 

Menestrier enters into a disquisition on the subject of the two inter- 
pretations given to the word miles, which would have interrupted the 
thread of my discourse too much to permit of its introduction in the text. 
I subj(>in it here, however, as a good guide for those who may be inclined 
to pursue the subject further. 

" II ne faut pas done confondre le titre d'ancienne noblesse, ou de no- 
blesse militaire, avec la dignit6 de chevalier, par I'equivoque du terme 
Latin miles, qui convient i Tun et k I'autrej ceque n'ont pas assez ob- 
serve quelques autheurs, qui n'ont pas fait reflexion que dans la plQpart 
des actes ecrits en langue Latine, ce mot signifie igalement ces deux 
diffe rentes choses. ...... 

" L'Empcreur Frederic avoit dejA distingu6 ces deux esp^ces de Che- 
valerie, lors qu'il fit une ordonnance A Naples, I'an 1232, que personne ne 
se preseniat pour recevoir I'ordre de Chevalerie, s'il n'estoit d'une an- 
cienne race mihtaire, ou d'ancienne Chevalerie. Ad militarem honorem 
nullus accedat, qui non sit de gencre militum ; L'une de ces Che valeries 
est done ge7ius militare, TSLce de Chevalerie; Vantre militaris honor, 
honneurde Chevalerie, qui n'ont est6 confonduSs que par quelques au- 
theurs, qui, 6crivansde cette mati^re sans I'entendre, n'ont fait que I'em- 
broiiiller, au lieu de la developper. 

" Roger, Roy de Sicile et de Naples, fit une ordonnance, que nul ne 
pGt recevoir I'ordre de Chevalerie, s'il n'estoit de race militaire. Sancimus 
itaque, et tale proponimus edictum, ut qjiicumque nin>am militiam acce- 
perit, il I'appelle nouvelle Chevalerie, pour la distinguer de celle de la 
naissance, szt-e quocumque tempore arripuerit, contra regni beatitudi' 
nem, pacem, atque integritatem, a militias nomine, et professione pent- 
tus decidat, nisi forte d militari genere per successionem duxit prosch 
piam."— Menestrier ; Preuves, chap. 1. 

NOTE II. — CHAP. n. 

St. Palaye, in the body of his admirable essays upon Chivalry, namea 
the day preceding that of the tournament as the one on which squires 
were permitted to joust with each other : but in a note he has the Ibl 
lowing passage, wliich shows that m this. ;is in almost every other re- 
spect, the customs of Chivalry varied very much at different epochs. 



332 NOTES. 

"Les usages ont vari^ par rapport aux tournois, suivant les diver* 
temps de la Chevalerie. Dans les commencements les plus anciens che- 
valiers joutoient entre eux, et le lendemain de cette joute les irouveaux 
chevaliers s'exergoient dans d'autres tournois, auxquels les anciens che- 
valiers se faisoient un ])laisir d'assister en quality de spectateurs. La 
coutume ctiangea depuis : ce fut la veille des grands tournois que les 
jeunes chevaliers s'cssay^rentles uns contre les autres, et Ton permit 
aux tcuyers de se m61er avec eux. Ceux-ci etoient recompenses par 
I'ordre de la Chevalerie, lorsqu'ils se distinguoient dans ces sortes de 
combats. Co melange de chevaliers et d'ecuyers introduisit dans la suite 
divers abus dans la Chevalerie, et la fit bientot d^gen^rer, comme le 
remarque M. Le Laboureur. Les 6cuyers usurp^rent successivement 
et par degrus les honnenrs etles distinctions qui n'appartenoient qu'aux 
chevaliers, et jteu-a-peu ils se confondirent avec eux." — Note on St 
palaye. 

This note is perfectly just in the statement that in after-times the dis* 
tinctioas between knights and squires were not so strictly maintained as 
in the early days of Chivalry. At the famous jousts between the French 
and English at Chateau .Toscelin, as related by Froissart, we find the 
squires opposed to the knights upon perfectly equal terms. The limits 
of this book are too narrow to admit of many long quotations ; but the 
passage will ba found well worthy the trouble of seeking, in the sixty- 
fourth chapter of the second book of the admirable Froissart. 

NOTE 111. — CHAP. II. 

To show the manner in which reports of all kinds were spread and 
collected even as late as the days of Edward III., I have subjoined the 
following extract from Froissart, giving an account of his reception at 
the court of the Count de Foix. It also affords a naive picture of that 
curious simplicity of manners which formed one very singular and inte- 
resting trait in the Chivalry of old. 

" Comment Messire Jean Froissart enqueroit diligemment comment les 
Gucires s^etoient forties par toutes les parties de la fiance. 
" Je me suis longuemeni tenu k parler des besognes des lointaines 
marches, mais les prochaiiies, tant qu'iV niaintenant, ni'ont ei6 si frakhesL 
et si nouvelles, et si inclinanls a ma plaisance, que pour ce les ai mises 
arri^re. Mais, pourtant, ne sejournoient pas les vaillants hommes, qui 
se desiroient k avaucer ens [dans] on [le] royaume de Castille et de Por- 
tugal, et bien autant en Gascogne et en Ronergue, en Quersin [Quercy], 
en Auvergne, en Limousin, et euToulousain, eten Bigorre ; mais vi.soient 
et subtilloient [imaginoient] tous les jours I'un sur I'autre coiiiment 
ils se pussent trouver ca parti de fait d'armes, pour prendre, emoler 
[enlever], et echeller villes, et chateaux, et forteresses. Et pour ce, j« 
sire Jean Froissart, qui me suis ensoingne [etudit-] et occupe de dieter st 
ecrireeette histoire, a la requite et contemplatioa de haut prince et re- 
iiommu Messire Guy de Chatillon, Comte de Ulois, Seigneur d'Avesnes, 
de Beaumont, de Scoonhort, et de la Gende, nion bon et souverain maitre 
et seigneur ; considcrai en moi-mSme, que nulle espcrance n'^toit que 
aucuns fidt.s d amies se fissent ^s parties de Picardie et de Flandre, 
puisque paix y etoit, et point ue voulois 6tre oiseux ; car je savois bien 
que encore au temps k venir, et quand je serai mort, sera cette haute et 
noble histoire en grand cours, et y prendront tous nobles et vaillants 
liommes plaisance et exem])le de bien faire ; ct eiitremeiites [peiidaiitj 



NOTES. 333 

que j'avois, Uieu merci, sens, m^moire, et bonne souvenance de toates 
les choses passees. en.'^in [esprit] clair et aigu pour concevoir tons les 
fails dont je pourrois etre inform'', touchaiits d ma principale mati^re, 
age, corps et membres pour souffrir peine, me avisai que je ne voulois 
mie sejourner de non poursieure [poursuivre] ma matiere ; et pour sa- 
voirla v^rite des lointaines besognes sans se que j'y envoyasse aucune 
autre personne en lieu ds moi, pris voie et achoison [occasion] raison- 
nable d'aller devers haut prince et redout6 seigneur, Messire Gaston, 
Comtc de Foix et de Berne [B^arn] ; et bien sgavois que si je pouvois 
venir en son hotel, et 1^ §tre a loisir, je ne pourrois mieux cheoir au 
monde, pour ^tre informe de toutes nouvelles ; car la sont et fr(^quentent 
volontiers tous chevaliers et 6cuyers 6tranges, pour la noblesse d'icelui 
haut prince. Et tout ainsi, comme je I'imaginai, il m'en advint; et re- 
montrai ce, et le voyage que je voulois faire, a mon tr^s cher et redout« 
seigneur, Klonseigneur Ic Comte de Blois, lequel me bailla ses lettres de 
familiarit6 adressants au Comte de Foix. Et tant travaillai et chevau- 
chai en qu6rant de tout cot^s nouvelles, que, par la grace de Dieu, sans 
peril et sans dommage, je vins en son chatel, A Ortais [Orthezj, aupays 
de B^arn, le jour de Sainle Catherine, que on compta pour lors en fan de 
grace mil trois cent quatre-vingt et huit : lequel comte de Foix, si tr^s 
tot comme il me vit, me fit bonne ch^re, et me dit en riant en bou Fran- 
cois : que bien il me connoissoit, et si ne m'avoit oncques mais vu, mais 
plusieurs fois avoit oui parler de moi. Si me retint de son hotel et tout 
aise, avec le bon moven des lettres que je lui avoisappnrtecs, tant que il 
m'yplut a^tre; et la fus inform^ de la greigneur [majeure] partie des 
besognss qui oloient avenues au royaume de Castille, au royaunie de Por- 
tugal, au royaume de Navarre, au royaume d'Aragon, et au royaume 
(I'Angleterre, au pays de Bordelois, eteii toute la Gascogne ; et ja m^rae, 
qua'nd je lui demandois aucune chose, il le me disoit moult volontiers ; 
et me disoit bien que I'histoire que je avois fait et pour.suivois seroit, au 
temps A venir, plus recommand^e que mille autres: 'Raison pourquoi,' 
disoit-il, 'beau maltre: puis cinquante ans en ga sont avenus plusde 
faits d'armes et de merveilles au monde qu'il n'etoit trois cents ans en 
devant.' 

" Ainsi fus-je en I'hdtel du noble Comte de Foix, recueilli et nourri d 
ma plaisance. Ce 6toit ce que je d^sirois A euquerre toutes nouvelles 
touchants A ma matic^re : et je avois pr6ts d la m.ain baroiis, chevaliers, 
et 6cuyers, qui m'en jnibrmoient, et le gentil Comte de Foix aussi. Si 
vous voudrois t^jclaircir par beau langage tout ce dont je fus adonc in- 
forme, pour rengrosscr notre matiere, et jiour cxemplier les bons qui se 
diisirent A avancerpar armes. Car si ci-dessus j'ai prologu6 grands faits 
d'armes, prises et assauts de villes et de chateaux, batailles adressties et 
durs rencontres, encore en trouverez-vous ensuivant grand, fbison, des- 
quelles et desquels, par la grace de Dieu, je feral bonne et juste narra- 
tion."— fVomar^, book iii. chap. 1. 

NOTE IV. CHAP. II. 

As the Brotherhood of Arms was one of the most curious customs of 
Chivalry, I have extracted from the Notes on St. Palaye, and from the 
Disquisitions of Ducange, some passages which will give a fuller view 
of its real character and ceremonies than seemed necessary in the body 
of this work. 

The Notes on St.Palave also show to how late a period the custom de- 
scended and here let me say, that of all the treatises on Chivalry 



334 NOTES. 

which I possess, there is none in wliich I have found the real spirit of 
kniffhthood so completely displayed, as in the Essays of Lr.curne de 
St. Palaye, with the elegant and profound observations of M. Charles 
Nodier. 

" Les Anglois, assembl6s peu avantlabataillede Pontvalain, tieniient 
conseil pour deliberer comment ils attaqueroient le connetable Dugues- 
clin. Hue de Carvalai, I'un d'entre eux, ouvre son avis en ces termes : 
• Se m'aist dieux, Bertran est le meilleur chevalier qui regne A present; 
il est due, conue et connestable, et a este long-temps nion compaignon 
en Espaigne, ou je trouvay en luy honneur, largesse et amistie si habun- 
damment etavecques ce hardenient, fierte vasselage et emprise, qu'il n'a 
homme jusques en Calabre qui scent que j'amasse autant d veoir ne ac- 
compaigner de jour oude nuit pour moy aventurerd vivre ou imourirns 
fustce qu'il gujrrie, Monseigueur le prince. Car en ce cas je dois 
mettre poyne de le nuyre et grever connnc nion ennemi. Si vous diray 
mon advis.' — (Hi^t. De Bert. Duguesdia, public par Menard, p. 407.) 

" Boncicaut, passant a son retour d'Espagne par le Comte de Foix, se 
trouvd i)lusieurs fois a boire et a manger avec des Anglois. Connne ils 
jugurent a des abstinences particuUeres qu'ils lui virent faire dans ses 
repas, qu'il avoit vou<i queluue entreprise d"armes, ils lui dirent que s'il 
lie demandoit autre chose on auroit bien-t6t trouve qui le delivreroit ; Bou- 
cicdut leur r;'i)0!)dit : ' \'oiremen!. estoit-ce pour combattre d oultrance, 
mais qu'il avoit comijaigtion ; c'estoit un chevalier nomme Rlessire Reg- 
nault de Roye, sans lequel il ne pouvoit rien faire, et toutes fois s'il y 
avoit aucun d'eulx qui voulussent la bataille, il leur octroyoit et que A 
leur voloiUe prissent jour taut que il I'eust faict d sgavoir d son compaig- 
non.' — {Histoire da Marichnlde L'oitc;/:a?//,publiee i)ar Godefroi, p. 51.) 

" Lorsque le prince de Gallcs eut declare la guerre au roi Henri de 
Castille, il manda a tons les Anglois qui etoienf alors au service de ce 
prince de le quitter pour se reiidre auprds de lui. Hue de Carvalai, qui 
fctoit du nombre, oblige de se separer de Bertrand, vint lui faire ses 
adicux : ' Gentil sire, lui dit-il, il nous convient de partir nous avons este 
ensemble par bonne conqtaignie, comme preudomme, et avons toujours 
eu du vo.s;tre d iiostre vouleiite que oncques n'y ot noise ne tangon, tant 
des avoirs conquestez que des joyaulx donnez, ne oncques n'en demand- 
asrnes part, si pense bieii que j'ay plu.s regeu qtie vous, dont je siiis vostre 
tenu. Et pour ce vous pris que nous eu comptons ensemble. Et ce que 
je vous devi'ay, jc vous paieray ou assigneray. Si dist Bertran, ce c'est 
qu'un sermon, je n'ay point pense a ce comte, ne ne sgay que ce puet 
rnonter. .Je ne sgay se vous .me devez, ou si je vous doy. Or soit tout 
quitte puisque vieiit au departir. Mais se decy en avant nous acreons 
I'un 4 I'auire, nous f;)rons nouvelle depte et le convendra escripre. II 
n'y a que du bien faire, raison doiuie que vous (suiviez) vostre-maistre. 
Ainsi le doibt taire tout preudomme. Bonne amour fist I'amour de nous 
et aussi en lera la deparlie: dont me poise qu'il convient que elle soit. 
Lors le baisa Bertran et tous ses coir.pagnons aussi: moult fut piteuse 
la departie.'— (//i.9/o<>e de Bertrand Dugicesclin, publiee par Menard, 
c. xxiv. p. 24S et 249.) 

" Duguesclin tomba dans la suite au pouvoir des Anglois, qui le retin- 
rent long-temps pnsonnier. Apres avoir enfin obtenu sa liberty sous 
parole d'acquitier sa rangon, Carvalai, son ancien fr^re d'armes, qu'il 
avoit refrouv^, et qui pendant qnelque temps lui tint bonne compagnie, 
voulut lui parler eui^ore du compte qu'ils avoient a regler ensemble. 
' Bertran, dit-il a son ami. avant que de se separer nous avons este com 
paguons ou pays d'Espangnc j)ar de la de prisons, et d'avoir (e'est-a-dire eu 



NOTES 335 

soci^tfe tant pour les prisonniers que pour le butin que nous aurions) 
dont je ne comptay oncques a vous et pgay bien de piega que je suis vostre 
tenu (redevable, en reste avec vous) dont je vouldray avoir advis ; mais 
de tout le moius je vous aideray ici de treute mille doubles d"or. Je ne 
sgay, ditBertran, comment il va du compte, mais que de la bonne com- 
pagnie ; ne je n'en vueil point compter ; mais se j'ay uiestier je vous 
prieray. Adonc baisierent li uns I'nutre au departir.'— (/i>?rf, p. Sufi.) 

" L'adoption en frere se trouue auoir esii^ pratiqu6e en deux manieres 
par les peuples etrangers, que les Grecseiles Latins qualifient ordinaire- 
ment du nom de Barbares. Car parmay ccux dont les mceurs et les fa- 
gons d'agirressentoient elfectiuement quelque chose de rude et d'inhu- 
main, ellese faisoit en se piquant reciproquement les veines, et beuuant 
le sang les vns des autres. Eaudoiiin Comte de Flandres et Empercur 
de Constantinople reproche cette detestable coutume aux Grecs memes, 
non qu'ils en vsassententre eux : mais parce que dans les alliances qu'ils 
contracfoient auec les peuples barbares, pour s'accommoder a leurs ma- 
nieres d'agir, ils estoient obligez de suiure leurs v-^ages, et de laire ce 
qu'ils faisoient ordihairement en de semblables occasions. Hcec est, ce 
dit-il, qucz spurcissimo gentiUum ritu pro fraternd societate,sanguini- 
busalternis ebihit.is,cian ivfidelibiis scape avsa est amicitias [firmare fe- 
rales. L'Empereur Frederic I. auoit fait auparauant ce mesme reproche 
aux Grecs, ainsi que nous apprenons de Nicetas. Mais ce que les Grecs 
firent par necessity, nos Francois qui estoient resserrez dans Constanti- 
nople, et attaquez par dehors de toufes parts. I'urent conlraints de le 
faire, et de subire la meme loy, en s'accommodant au temps, pour se 
parer des insultes de Icurs ennemis. C'est ce que le Sire de .Tcinuille dit 
en ces termes : A iceluy Cheualier oiii dire, et comme il le disoit au 
Roy, que I'Empereurde Constantinople, et ses gens, se allierent vne (bis 
d'vn Roy, qu'on appelloit le Roy des Comains, pour auoir leur aide, pour 
conquerir I'Empereurde Grece,qui auoit nom Vataiche. Et disoit iceluy 
Cheualier, que le Roy du peuple des Comains pour auoir seurtc et fiance 
fraternel I'vn I'autre, qu'il laillit qu'ils et cliascun de leurgens d'vns part 
et d'antre se fissent saigner, et que do leur sang ils donnasseiit a boire I'vn & 
Tautre, en signe de fraternity, disans qu'ils estoient fr^re, et d'vn sang.et 
ainsi le conuint faire entre nos gens, el les gens d'iceluy Roy, et meslfrent 
de leur sang auec du vin, et en beuuoient I'vn dl'aiJtre, ctdisoient lors 
qu'ils estoient freres d'vn sang. Georges Pachymercs raconte la m^me 
chose des Comains. Et Alberic en I'an 1187, nous fait aasez voir que 
cette coiitume eut pareillement cours parmy les Sarazins, '-criuant que 
la funeste alliance que le Comte de Tripoly contracta auec le Sultan des 
Sarazins, se fit auec cette c^remonic, et qu'ils y burent du sang I'vii de 
I'autre. - -----... 

'• Cette fraternit(^ se contractoit encore par Tattouchemcnt ties nrmes, 
en les faisant toucher reciproquement les vnes aux autres. Cette cou- 
tume estoit particuliere aux Angiois, auant que les Kornians se ron- 
dissent maicresdel'Angleterre, principalement lorsque des communautez 
entieres faisoient entre eux vne alliance fraierneile. en vsans de cette 
maniere, an lieu du changement reciproque des armes, qui n'auroit pa3 
pfl .s'executer si facilemeiit. - . . . . 

" Mais entre tant de ceremonies qui se sont obseru6es pour contracter 
vne (Vaternite, celle qui aest6 praliqute par les peuples Chretiens, est la 
plus plausible et la plus raisonnable : car pour abolir et pour < leindre 
entierement les superstitions qui les accompagnoiont. et qui tenoient du 
paganisme, lis en ont introduit vne autre plus sainte et |)lu!j pieu.se on 
la contractant dans I'Eglise, deuant le Pn'tre, ot en faisant reciter quel 
ques prieres cu oraisons, nous en auons la fbrmuie daas rEuchohgium * 



336 NOTES. 



NOTE V. — CHAP. III. 

The fear of Robert Guiscard was no chimera; for, after having raised 
himself from indigience to power and authority, he opposed successfully 
the whole force of two great monarchies, and defeated alternately the 
emperors of the east and the west. 

One of the most poirited accounts of this extraordinary freebooter 
■which I have met with I subjoin, from the Melanges Curieua:. 

" Roberius Wischardi de Normania exiens, vir pauper, miles tamen, 
ingenio et probitate sua Apuliam, Calabriam sufe ditioni submisit, et 
Insulam Siciliam de manu Ismaelitarum liberavit, Rotgeriumque fratrem 
suum ejusdem Insulye Comitem appellavit. Demum mare transiens, 
Durachium urbem nobiiein cepit, Dalmatiamque et Bulgariam super 
Alexium Iiriperatorem acquisivit : insuper eum ter bello fugavit, et Ro- 
manum, Ilem-icum scmel ab urbe l\igere compulit, Poiitificemque Ro- 
maiium, quern cepcrut, ab eo hberavit. Q,ui ciim innumerabilia pen6 
fecisset probitatis indicia, hoc de illo constans habetur, qudd nisi morte 
prcP-ciccupatus fuisset, filiuif suum Boamundum Imperatorem faceret, se 
verd Regem Persarum, ut s:ep6 dicebat, constitueret, viamque Hieroso- 
lymorum destructa paganitate Francis apcriret. Nunquam victus est, 
quanquam saep^ pugnaverit. Venetos, qui contra eum omni virtute sua " 
convenarant cum stolo suo ita prolligavit, ut nee fuga, nee pelagus illis 
esset auxilio. Nee fuit terrarum locus ita remotus, in quo rumor, fama, 
timor Wischardi per omnium fere ora non volitaret. Et ut verius de ec 
dici potest, nulli Regumaut Imperatorum Wischardus secundus extitit." 
-Pere I'Abbe. 



NOTE VI. — CHAP. III. 

This cry was not the only cry of arms which the crusaders used in 
the Holy Land Tliough it was the general battle-cry of the whole 
army, and each leader made use of it occasionally when he wanted to 
animate the whole host, by rousing up their old enthusiasm ; yet when 
he sought to bring round him his own vassals, he used the appropriate 
shout of his family. Thus we find, by Raimond d'Agiles, that the battle- 
cry of Raimond de St. Giles was " Toulouse .'" 

The best general account of the old cry of arms which I have met 
with is given by Ducange. 

" Le cry d'armes n'est autre chose qu'vne clameur conceuS en deux ou 
trois paroles, prononcee au commencement ou au fort du combat et de la 
m61^e, par un chef, ou par tous les soldats ensemble, suivant les rencon- 
tres et les occasions: letjuel cry d'armes cstoit particulier au general de 
I'arm^e ou au chef dechaque troupe. - - ... 

" Les Frangois qUe se trouuferent A la prt^miere conqufete de la Terre 
Sainte avoient pour cry general ces mots, Adju.ua Deris, ainsique nous 
appretions de Foncher de Chartres, et d'vn autre ancien Auteur ou bien. 
Eia Dens adivwi nos, suivant I'Histoire de Hierusalem. Raymond 
d'Agiles rapporte la cause et I'origine de ce cry k la vision de Pierre Bar- 
t]ielcmy,qui trouvm la sainte Lance au temps que les Turcs assiegeoient la 
ville d'Antioche sur le > nostre : car dnrant ce siege S. Andrfe !uy e.stant 
apparu plusieurs fois, illuy enjoignit dn persuader aux Chretiens d'auoir 
reoouts h Dieu dans les fatigues du si<'?ge, et dela faim qu'ils enduroient. 



NOTES. 337 

et de prendre dans les combats ponr cr>' d'amies ces mots Beus adjuua: 
et sit signum clamor is vestri, Devs adjvva, et reuera Deus adjuvabit vos, 
qui sent les paroles de S. Andre, Roderic Archeucsque de" Tolede dit 
qu'au si6ge et a la prise de Cordoug sur les Sarrazins d'Rspagne, 
les Chretiens crierent aussi Beris adjuva. lis ajousioient quelquefois & 
ce cry ces mots Deus vult, ou pour parler en langage du temps, et sui- 
uant qu'ils sont enoncez en la Chroniqne duMont Cassin, Biex el volt, 
dont I'origine est rapportee au Coiicile de Clermont en Auuergne. ou le 
Pape Urbain II. ayant fait vne forte exhortation pour porter les princes 
Chretiens d prendre les armes pour aller retirer la Terre Sainte des 
mains des Infideies, Ita omnivm qvi aderant affcctiis in vnum conci- 
tauit, vt omnes acclamarent, Deux volt, Deu^ volt. Apr6s quoy le pape, 
ayant rendu graces k Dieu, dit entre autres paroles celle-cy, Sit ergo 
vobis vox ista in rebus bellicismilitare sigutim, quia verbum hoc a Deo 
est prolatum, cum in hustem Jiet bellicosi impetus congressio, erit vni' 
uersis hose ex parte Dei vna vociferafio Deus vult, Deus vult. D'oii on 
recueille pourquoy le cry est ajjpelle Signum Dei dans quelques Au 
teurs."— J>uca7i^e, Dissertations stcr VHistoire de St Louis, Dissert, xi. 

NOTE VII. — CHAP. IV. 

I have used the term Counts Palatine, from the old writer whose name 
stands in the margin. The peculiar position of these Counts Palatine, 
under the ever-changing dynasties of early Europe, is a curious and in- 
teresting subject of inquiry, but one too extensive to be fully treated in this 
place. I hope, at some fiature period, to speak of it in a more compre- 
hensive work. The learned author whose works have furnished me 
with the preceding note affords a good view of the original functions of 
the Counts of the Palace, or Counts Palatine. 

"Sovs la premiere et la seconde race de nos Rois,les comtes faisoient 
la fonction dans les prouinres et dans les villes capitales du royaume, 
non seulemcnt de gouuerneurs, mais encore celle de jnges. Leur prin- 
cipal employ estoit d'y decider les differents et les proems ordinaires de 
leur justiciables ; et ou ils ne pouvoient se transporter sur les lieux, ils 
commettoient A c^teffet leurs vicomtes et leurs lieutenans. Quant aux 
affaires d'importance, et qui meritoient d'estre jugfees par la bouche du 
prince, nos mfemcs rois auoient des comtes dans leurs palais, et pr6s de 
leurs personnes, ausquels ils en commettoientlaconnoissanceet le juge- 
ment, qui estoient nommezordinairement, acausede ctt ill ustre employ, 
Comtes du Palais, ou Comtes Palatins. - .... 

" II y a lieu de croire que dans la premiere race de nos Rois, et mfeme 
dans le commencement de la seconde, la charge de Comte du Palais 
n'estoit exerc^e que par vn seul, qui jugeoit les differens, assist^ de quel- 
ques Conseillers Palatins, qui sont appellez Scabini Palatii,Echeuinsda 
Palais, dans la Chronique de S. Vincent de Wlturne. - - - 

" On ne peut pas toutefois disconuenir qu'il n'y ait eu en mkme temptt 
plusieurs Comtes du Palais. Car Eguinard en vne de ses EpUres, dit 
en termes expr^s qu'Adalard et Geboin estoient Comtes du Palais en 
mfeme temps. Et vn titre de Louys le Debonnaire de I'an 938, qui se 
lit aux Antiq^uitez de I'Abbaye de Fulde est souscrit de ce Gebawinus, 
ou Gebuinus, et de Ruadbertus, qui y prennent qualit6 de Comtes du 
Palais." 

Ff 



338 NOTES. 



NOTE VIII. CHAP. VI. 



The habit of carrying a small wallet when bound on a pilgrimage la 
one of the oldest customs of th-e Christian world. This part of the pil 
grim's dress was called afterward an aumoniere, and served either as a 
receptacle for containing the alms received on the journey, or, when worn 
by the rich, as a repository for those they intended to give away. The 
curious fact of Charlemagne having borne one of these wallets to Rome, 
and of its having been buned with him, is mentioned in the XVth Dis- 
sertation on Joaiville. ■ ,, • 

"Cassian traitant des habits et des vfetemens des anciens Homes 
d'E<'ypte, dit qu'ils se reuetoient d'vn habit fait de peaux de chevre, que 
l'on\ppelloit Melotes, et qu'ils portoient ordinairetnent I'escarcelle et le 
baton. Les termes de cet Auteur ne sont pas toutefois bien clairs, en cet 
endroit-1^ : Vltimus est habitus eorian pellis Caprina, qucB Melotes, vel 
vera appellatur, et baculus. Car il n'est pas probable que cfet habit de 
peaux de cheureait este appelle Pera. Ce qui a donnfe sujet a quelques 
Commentateurs de restituer Penula. Neantmoins Isidore et Papias, 
comme aussi ^Ifric dans soa Glossaire Saxon, ont ecrit aprfes Cassian, que 
Melotis. estoit la meme chose que Pera. Quant a moy j'estime que Cas- 
sian a entendu dire que ces IMoiiies, outre ce vfetement fait de peaux, 
auoient encore cotktume de porter vn petit sachet, et vn baton, dont lis se 
seruoient durant ieurs pelerinages. Ce qui ce peut aisement concilier, 
en restituant le mot appellatur, on le sofisentendant, aprfes Melotes. 
Tant y a que Cassian parle du baton des Moines au Chapitre suiuant ; 
et dans I'vne de ses Collations, il fait assez, voir que lorsqu'ils entrepre- 
noient quelque voyage, ils prenoient I'vn et I'autre : Cum accepissemus 
peramet baculum, vt ibi nioris est Monachis vniuersis iter agentibus 
Le Moine d'Angouleme ecrit que le corps de Charlemagne, apres sa mort, 
fut inhumfe aucc tons ses habits imperiaux, et que pardessus on y posa 
I'escarcelle d'or, dont les pelerins se seruent ordinairement, et qu'il auoit 
cofltume de porter lorsqu'il alloit 4 Rom : et super vestimentis Irnperiah- 
bus pera peregrinalis aurea posita est, quam Romam portare solitus erat. 
D'oii il resulte que le baton et I'escarcelle ont loujours estfe la marque 
particuliere des Pelerins, ou comme parle Guillaume de Malmesbury, 
Solatia et indicia itineris. 

" Les Pelerins delaTerre Sainte, auant que d'entreprendre Ieurs pele- 
rinages, alloient rcecuoir I'escarcelle et le bourdon des mains des Pres- 
tres dans I'Eglise. ...---- 

" Et cela s'est pratiqufe mimes par nos Rois, lorsqu'ils ont voulu en- 
treprendre ces longs et facheux voyages d'outremer. Car apr6s auoir 
chargfe Ieurs fepaules de la figure de la Croix, ils auoient coutume de ve- 
nir en I'Abbaye de S. Denys, et Id, apres la celebration de la messe, lis 
receuoient des mains de quelque Prelat le baton de Pelerin et I'escarcelle, 
et memes I'Oriflamme, ensuite dequoy ils prenoient conge de S. Denys, 
Patron du Royaume." 

NOTE IX. CHAP. VII. 

The pretence of the Count of Toulouse for resisting the claims of Boe- 
mond to the possession of Antioch was, that he had vowed to the em- 
peror Alexius to deliver up all conquests to hiih alone. This was but a 



NOTES. 339 

specious covering for his own avarice. The terms in which Baldric 
mentions the cession of Antioch to Boemond are as follows ; and it will 
be seen that much more notice was taken of Alexius than that contempt- 
ible usurper deserved. 

" Locuti sunt igitur ad invicem Christianorum duces, et sponte sua 
Boamundo subintulerunt : Vides quo in articulo res nostra posita sit. Si 
civitatem ergo istam vel prece vel pretio, nobis etiam juvantibus poieris 
obtinere, nos eam tibi unanimiter concedimus : salvo in onuiibus quod 
Imperatori, te collaudante, fecimus sacramento. Si ergo Iniperator 
nobis adjutor advenerit, juratasque pactiones custodierit, perjuri vivere 
nolumus : sed quod pace tua dictum sit, nds ilh eam concedimus : sin 
autem, tuae semper sic subditc potestati. Ex Historia Hierosolymitana 
Baldrici, Episcopi DolensisJ" 

NOTE X. CHAP. X. 

Even in the days of Ducange the form and colour of the Oriflamme, 
or standard borne to battle before the kings of France, was so far for- 
gotten, that the learned antiquary bestowed no small research to ascer- 
tain its texture and appearance. His eiudition never left any thing in 
uncertainty ; but though he proved the particular banner called the Ori- 
flamme to have been red ; yet Guillaume Guiart mentions one of fine 
azure, which was carried before Philip Augustus to the siege of Acre. 
Ducange speaks of the Oriilamme as follows : 

" Pour commencer par la recherche du nom d'Orillamme. la plfipart 
des Ecriuains estiment, qu'on le doit tirer de sa matiere, de sa couleur, 
et de sa forme. Quant a sa figure, il est hors de doute qu'elle estoit faite 
comme les bannieres de nos Eglises, que Ton porte ordinairement aux 
processions, qui sent quarrees, fendufis en diuors endroits par le bas, 
ornecs de franges, et attachet^s par le haut ^ vn baton de trauers, qui les 
tient etendufis, et est soulenu d'vne forme de pique. lis ajoutent que sa 
matiere estoit de soye, ou de tafetas, sa couleur rouge, et tirant sur celle 
du feu, et de la sandaraque, i laquelle Pline attribue celle de la fiamme. 
11 est vray que pour la couleur, tons les Ecriuains conuiennent qu'elle 
estoit rouge. Guillaume le Breton en sa Philippide, la decrit ainsi : 

' Ast Regi satis est tenucs crispare per auras 
Vexillum simplex, cendato simplice textum, 
Splendoris nibei, Letania qualiter vti 
Ecclesiana solet, certis ex more diebus 
Quod ciim flamma habeat vulgaritcr aurea nomep^ 
Ominibus in bellis habet omnia signa preire.' 

" Guillaume Guiart en son Histoire de France, en la vie de Philippes 
Auguste, a ainsi traduit ces vers : 

' Oriflamme est vne banniere, 
Aucune poiplus forte quiquimple, 
De cendal roujoiant et sifnple, 
Sans pourtraiture d'autre affaire.' 



"L'Oriflamme estoit Tenseigne particuliere del'Abbect du Monnstere 
de S. Denys, qu'ils faisoient porter dans leurs guerres par leur Auoiie 



340 NOTES. 

Car c'estoit-li la principale fonction des Auoiiez, qui en qaalite de defen 
seurs et de protecteurs des Monasteres et des Eglises, entrepreiioient la 
conduit de leurs vassaux pour la defense de leurs droits, et portoient 
leurs enseignes ^ la guerre : d'ou vient qu'ils sont ordinairement appel- 
lez, les porte-enseignes des Eglise, signiferi Ecclesiarum, cornme j'es- 
pere justifier ailleurs Les Conitesdu Vexin et de Pontoise avioient ce litre 
dans le Monastere de S. Denys, dont ils estoient les Auoiie?,, et les pro- 
tecteurs, eten cette qualite ils portoient I'Oriflamme dans les guerres qui 
s'entreprenoient pour la defense de ses biens. - 

" II faut done tenir pour constant que Louys le Gros fut le premier de 
nos Rois, qui en qualite de Conitedu Vexin tira rOriflamme de deseus 
I'autel de FEglise de S. Denys, et la fit porter dans ses armees, comme la 
principale enseigne du Protecteur de son Royaume, et dont il inuoquoit 
lesecours dans son cry d'arines. .... 

" II est arriue dans la suite que nos Rois, qui estoient entrez dans les 
droits de ces Comtes, s'en sont seruis, pour leurs guerres particulieres, 
comme estant la banniere qui portoit le noni du Protecteur de leur Roy- 
aume, ainsi que j'ay remarque, la tirans, de dessus I'autel de I'Eglise S. 
Denys, auec les memes ceremonies, et les memes prieres, que Ton auoit 
accoiitemed'observer, lorsqu'on la mettoit entre les mains des Comtes 
du Vexni pour les guerres particulieres de ce Monastere. Ces cere- 
monies sont ainsi decrites par Ruoul de Presle, au Traite dont je viens 
de parler en cesternies: Premierement la procession vous vient i. 
I'encontre jusques A I'issuS du Cloistre, et apres la procession, atteints 
lesbenoists corps Saints de Monsieur S. Denys, et ses Compagnons, et 
mis sur I'autel en grande reucrence, et aussi le corps de Monsieur S. 
Louys, et puis est mise cette banniere ploise sur les corporaux, oii est 
consacre le corps de N. S. Jesus Christ, lequel vous receuez dignement 
apres la celebration de la Messe : si fait celuy leque! vous auez esleu i 
bailler, comme au plus prud homme et vaiUant Cheualier; et ce fait, le 
baisez en la bouche. et luy baillez, et la tient en ses mains par grande re- 
uerence, afin queles Barons assistans le puissent baiser comme reliques 
etchoses dignes, et en luy baillanl pour le porter, luy faites faire ser- 
ment solenmcl de le porter et garder en grande reuerence, et a I'honneui 
de vous et de vostre Royaume. .... 



NOTE XI. CHAP. XIII. 

Villehardouin is undoubtedly the best authority for all the particulars 
of the siege of Constantinople. Nicetas was extravagantly prejudiced; 
and though the emperor Baldwin, in his letters to the Pope, was as frank 
as any man in his situation could be, it was but natural that he should 
endeavour to show the causes of the warfare in the most favourable 
point of view — that he should represent the conduct of himself and his 
companions with every advantage — in fact that he should see the events 
•which raised him to the throne through a peculiar medium, and re- 
present them tinged with the same colours that they presented to his 
own eyes. 

Villehardouin wrote without many of these disadvantages. He did 
not belong to the pillaged and conquered class, like Nicetas. nor did he 
write to excuse himself in the eyes of the Pope. He had his preju- 
dice-^, of course, li'ie other men, but these prejudices were greatly pre- 
vented from affecting his history by the frank simplicity of chivalrous 
manners, which no one possessed in greater purity tlis.n he did himselC 



NOTES. 'Ml 

In two points PhilippeMouskes gives a different account of the affairs 
of Constantinople from Villehardouin. In the first place, he states.that 
Alexius Angelas, the brother of Isaac, commanded his nephew to be 
drowned ; but that by entreaties the prince moved those persons who 
were charged with the cruel order. In the next place, he says that Mur- 
zuphlis caused Alexius the younger to be poisoned. 

In regard to tlie destruction of the monuments of art committed by the 
Latins. Nicetas gives a melancholy, though somewhat bombastic ac- 
count. The famous works destroyed were as follows, according to his 
statement: 

A colossal Juno, from the forum of Constantine, the head of which was 
so large that four horses could scarcely draw it from the spot where it 
stood to the palace. 

The statue of Paris, presenting the apple to Venus. 

An immense bronze pyramid, crowned by a female figure, which 
turned with the wind. 

The colossal statue of Bellerophon, in bronze, which was broken 
down, and cast into the furnace. Under the inner nail of the horse's 
hind foot, on the left side, was found a seal, wrapped in a woollen 
cloth. 

A figure of Heicules, by Lyslniachus, of such vast dimensions that 
the circumference of the thumb was equal in measurement to the waist 
of an ordinary man. From the attitude of this statue, as described by 
Nicetas, it is not improbable that it served as a model for that piece of 
sculpture, the only part of which that remains is the famous Torso. 

The Ass and his Driver, cast by order of Augustus, after the battle of 
Actium, in commemoration of his having discovered the position of An- 
tony through the means of a peasant and his beast, the one bearing the 
name of Fortunate, and the other that of Conqueror. 

The Wolf suckling the twiiK< of Rome ; the Gladiator in combat with 
a Lion ; the Hippopotamus ; the Sphynxes ; and the famous Eagle fight- 
ing with a Serpent ; all underwent the same fate, as well as the beau- 
tiful statue of Helen, which Nicetas speaks of as the perfection of sta- 
tuary. 

Added to these were the exquisite figure on the race-cour?e, and a 
group, wherein a monster, somewhat resembling a bull, was represented 
engaged in deadly conflict with a serpent. Each appeared expiring 
under the efforts of the other ; the snake crushed between the teeth 
of the mons-ter, and the bull tainted to the heart by the venom of the 
reptile : no bad emblem of the struggle between the bold and furious va- 
lour of the Latins and the poisonous treachery of the Greeks them- 
selves. 



NOTE XU. CHAP. XIV. 

That St. Louis was threatened with the torture is an undoubted fact ; 
though what that sort of torture was which Joinville calls les Berm- 
cles is not so clear. Ducange fancies that it was the Cippus of the an- 
cients: and whether it was or not, the resolution of the monarch in 
resisting showed not a little fortitude. I subjoin Ducange's observa- 
tions. 

" Le Sire de Joinville dit que le Sultan de Babylone, ou son Conseil fit 
fdaP au Roy des propositions peu raisonables, croyant qu'il y consen- 
tiroit pour obtenir sa deliurance, el celle de ceux de sa suite, qui auoient 
este faits prisonniers auec luy en la bataille de Massoure. Et sur ce que 

Ff2 



342 NOTES. 

le Roy refusa absolument d'y donnerles mains, il le vouliU intimider ; et 
le menaga de luy faire souffrir do grands tourmens. Mathieu Paris : Cum 
frequenter a Saracenis cumterribilibus coniminationibus sollicitaretur 
Rex vt Darniatam redderet, et noluit vlla ratione, postularunt summam 
sibi pecuniae persolui sine diminutione, vel diuturno cruciatu vsque ad 
mortem torqueretur. Ce tourment est appelle par le Sire de Jouinville 
les Bernicles, lequel il deerit en ces termes. Et voyans les Sarazins que 
le Roy ne vouloit obtemperer A leur demandes, ils le menacerent de le 
mettre en Bernicles : qui est le plus grief tourment qu'ils puissent faire A 
nully: Et sont deux grans tisons de bois, qui sont entretenans au chef. 
Et quant ils veulent y mettre aucun, ils lecouschent sur le couste entre 
ces dieux tisons, et luy font passer les jambes A trauers de grosses che- 
uilles : puis cousclient la piece de bois, qui est Id-dessus, et font asseoir 
vn homme dessus ies tisons. Dont il auient qu'il ne demeure A celuy 
qui est 14 cousche point demy pied d'ossemens, qu'il ne soit tout des- 
rompu etescaclie. Et pour pis luy faire, au bout des trois jours luy re- 
mettent les jambes, qui sont grosses et enflees, dedens celles bernicles, 
et le rebrisent derechief, qui est vne chose moult cruelle & qui sauroit 
entendre : et la lient a gros nerfs de bceuf par la teste, de peur qu'il no 
se remue Id dedans. 



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